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Is the EU – Indonesia Relations Going to be a Strategic Partnership?

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Pada tanggal 28-29 Juni 2018 dosen Hubungan Internasional BINUS University, Paramitaningrum, berkesempatan mengikuti konferensi tahunan internasional European Union Studies in Asia Pacific (EUSAAP) yang bertema “The Future of the EU and European Integration in the Aftermath of Crises”,  di National Taiwan University, Taipei City.

Acara ini merupakan acara rutin yang diadakan oleh EUSAAP. EUSAAP merupakan organisasi beranggotakan universitas-univesitas yang berada di Kawasan Asia Pasifik, yang memiliki program kajian wilayah Eropa, di tingkat pengajaran dan riset. EUSAAP berada di bawah ECSA Kawasan Asia Timur dan Tenggara sendiri diwakili oleh Jepang.  Keanggotaan ECSA di Asia Timur diwakili oleh Jepang, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong and Macao. Sedangkan untuk Kawasan Asia Tenggara diwakili oleh Singapura.  Malaysia, Vietnam, Thailand, walaupun belum menjadi anggota, adalah negara-negara yang sudah membuka kajian Kawasan Eropa dalam bentuk pengajaran dan riset yang sudah mapan.

Konferensi ini diikuti oleh 100 orang peserta dari 10 negara di Eropa dan Asia. Mereka adalah akademisi dan mahasiswa lokal Taiwan dan asing yang mempelajari hubungan Uni Eropa – Asia dari disiplin ilmu Hubungan Internasional. Paramitaningrum menyampaikan gagasannya yang berjudul “Is the EU – Indonesia Relations Going to be a Strategic Partnership?”

Hubungan antara Indonesia – Uni Eropa (atau European Union – EU) yang semula berada di bawah kerangka hubungan Masyarakat Eropa – ASEAN (EC – ASEAN Cooperation Agreement 1980). Namun, hubungan antar-kawasan ini tidak selalu harmonis, karena perbedaan tingkat kemajuan pembangunan dan perbedaan prinsip dianta

ra kedua entitas tersebut. Meskipun demikian, perkembangan yang dialami oleh EU dan ASEAN membuat kedua pihak tetap mempererat interaksi antar kawasan, termasuk rencana untuk membentuk FTA (Free Trade Agreement). Mengingat perbedaan yang terlalu mendasar, maka rencana tersebut ditunda, sebagai gantinya, EU kemudian melakukan negosiasi  secara bilateral dengan masing-masing 10 (sepuluh) negara anggota ASEAN, sekaligus meningkatkan hubungan dengan mereka, yang dikuatkan dengan dua mekanisme: FTA dan PCA (Partnership Cooperation Agreement). PCA sendiri merupakan perjanjian payung, yang mengatur kerjasama untuk aspek non-ekonomi, seperti demokratisasi dan promosi nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia.

Indonesia sendiri telah menandatangani PCA pada tahun 2009 dan kini tengah menegosiasikan CEPA (Common Economic Partnership Agreement), yang fungsinya hampir sama dengan FTA, namun memasukkan komponen Capacity building, karena komponen ini juga bisa menyiapkan kapasitas Indonesia menghadapi era pasar bebas. Jika Indonesia atau negara-negara ASEAN lainnya telah memiliki PCA dan FTA dengan Uni Eropa, maka ada peluang untuk menjadi partner strategis (Strategic Partner) bagi EU. Namun mekanisme ini membutuhkan proses lanjutan dari pihak EU dan negara-negara yang bersangkutan, dan menyangkut beberapa preferensi khusus yang ditetapkan oleh EU. Sehingga, dalam hal ini, Indonesia juga belum sampai pada tahapan menuju partner strategis.


Departemen HI BINUS Terakreditasi A

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Departemen Hubungan Internasional Universitas Bina Nusantara meraih akreditasi A berdasarkan SK BAN-PT No. 1892/SK/BAN-PT/Akred/S/VII/2018, menyusul visitasi tim asesor Badan Akreditasi Nasional Perguruan Tinggi (BAN-PT) yang terdiri dari Dr. H. R. Dudy Heryadi, M.Si. (Universitas Padjadjaran) dan Dr. Suranto, M.Pol. (Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta) pada tanggal 2-3 Juli 2018.

Akreditasi HI Binus ini diharapkan dapat memberikan keyakinan atas kualitas program studi kepada seluruh masyarakat, serta sebagai salah satu bentuk sistem penjaminan mutu eksternal terhadap program studi. Departemen Hubungan Internasional mengucapkan rasa syukur dan terima kasih kepada seluruh Civitas Akademika Universitas Bina Nusantara dan berbagai pihak yang telah berkontribusi serta memberikan dukungan dalam perjalanan program studi Hubungan Internasional sejak 2012.

Kaohsiung Southeast Asia Industry and Academic Exchange Association (KAOSEAS) Taiwan Study Visit to IR Binus.

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Pada hari Senin, 23 Juli 2018, Departemen Hubungan Internasional (HI) Universitas Bina Nusantara memperoleh kunjungan dari Kaohsiung Southeast Asia Industry and Academic Exchange Association (KAOSEAS). Acara ini dihadiri oleh Kepala Prodi HI, Prof. Dr. Tirta N. Mursitama, Ph.D, dosen HI Binus Luh Nyoman Ratih Wagiswari Kabinawa dan Paramitaningrum, Ph.D, serta peserta studi visit dari KAOSEAS.

Acara ini dibuka dengan sambutan oleh Prof. Tirta Mursitama. Beliau memberikan pemaparan singkat mengenai perkembangan politik di Indonesia saat ini. Dalam penjelasannya, beliau juga menjelaskan proses pemilihan umum yang berlangsung di Indonesia sebagai negara yang menganut sistem demokrasi. Beliau memaparkan bahwa pemilihan umum terdiri dari tiga tingkatan dimana tingkatan tertinggi merupakan tingkat nasional, dimana yang dipilih adalah Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, yang kedua adalah tingkat propinsi, yang merupakan pemilihan Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur, dan pada level terakhir yaitu pada tingkat daerah, yang merupakan pemilihan Kepala Daerah dan Wakil Kepala Daerah. Beliau juga menjelaskan bahwa tahun ini Indonesia baru saja menyelenggarakan pemilihan Kepala Daerah.

Selain itu Prof. Tirta juga memaparkan partai-partai yang turut mengambil bagian dalam pilkada serta posisi dan urutan pemenangnya. Partai Nasional Demokrat (Nasdem) merupakan partai yang mendapatkan urutan tertinggi dengan jumlah voting dari 10 propinsi. Beliau menekankan bahwa hasil ini sangat tidak bisa diprediksi, karena hampir tak satupun memprediksi kemenangan dari Partai Nasdem. Menurut Prof. Tirta logika dari pemilihan lokal dan nasional berbeda.

Pada kesempatan kali ini Professor Samuel Ku dari National Sun Yat-sen University, Taiwan menyampaikan beberapa pandangannya terhadap hubungan antara Indonesia dan Taiwan. Indonesia dan Taiwan telah melibatkan banyak interaksi dalam berbagai bidang, salah satunya ialah dalam bidang pendidikan. Terdapat sekitar 7000 siswa Indonesia yang menempuh pendidikan di Taiwan. Menurutnya, interaksi yang baik antara kedua negara ini didasari oleh pergerakan sistem demokrasi dan ekonomi. Beliau juga menjelaskan perkembangan demokratisasi yang terjadi di Asia Pasifik hingga Asia Tenggara. Negara-negara di kawasan ini bergerak menuju demokrasi. Indonesia, Filipina dan Thailand merupakan contoh negara yang religius yang menganut sistem demokrasi. Ini merupakan implementasi dari bagaimana negara menunjukan demokrasinya dalam berbagai cara. Demokrasi Timur maupun Barat berbagi nilai yang sama dalam demokrasi, yaitu tentang hak asasi manusia.

Selain itu beliau menjelaskan munculnya ASEAN, ASEAN+3, dan kerjasama ASEAN dan beberapa negara lainnya menunjukkan adanya integrasi ekonomi yang lebih besar. Menurutnya, integrasi ekonomi juga membantu gerakan demokrasi karena negara harus saling mengetahui dan memahami perilaku negara-negara lainnya. Hal ini juga dapat membantu masyarakat untuk berpergian ke negara lain dengan lebih mudah.

Mahasiswi HI BINUS Mewakili Indonesia dalam Asian Games 2018

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Dua mahasiswi HI Binus, Andriani Synthia Ardhana dan Ulfa Silviana, dengan bangga turut berjuang mewakili Indonesia dalam ASIAN GAMES ke-18 2018. Andriani merupakan atlet dalam cabang olahraga artistic swimming, sementara Ulfa merupakan atlet dalam cabang olahraga atletik. Selamat bertanding! #BINUSIANFORASIANGAMES2018

Dirgahayu RI ke-73

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Departemen HI BINUS mengucapkan: Selamat Hari Ulang Tahun Kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia ke-73.

Selamat Hari Raya Idul Adha 2018

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Departemen Hubungan Internasional BINUS University mengucapkan:

Selamat Hari Raya Idul Adha 2018

Dosen HI BINUS dalam Advanced Course International Humanitarian Law

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Sebagai tindak lanjut atas penyelenggaraan International Humanitarian Law Basic Course bagi Dosen terkait dengan Hukum Humaniter Internasional, Pada tanggal 28-31 Agustus 2018, Fakultas Hukum Universitas Riau, Pekanbaru, bekerja sama dengan International Committe of the Red Cross (ICRC) melaksanakan Advanced Course International Humanitarian Law di Hotel Pangeran, Pekanbaru.

Kegiatan ini ditujukan ditujukan pada para dosen pengajar Hukum Internasional, Hukum Humaniter Internasional baik dari Fakultas Hukum ataupun Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Politik serta melibatkan beberapa praktisi terkait dengan bidang Hukum Humaniter Internasional. Dalam pertemuan tersebut, dibahas berbagai tema baru sesuai perkembangan, implementasi Hukum Humanier Internasional serta Tantangannya.  Adapun sebagai narasumber Advanced Course tersebut diantaranya, sebagai berikut: Dany Merhy (Deputy Head of Regional Delegation ICRC Jakarta), Rina Rusman, SH, M.H (Adviser to the Regional Delegation, ICRC Jakarta), Donny Putranto (Legal Adviser, ICRC Jakarta), Kol. CHK Dr. Tiarsen Buaton, SH, L.L.M, Dr. Enny Narwati, S.H, M.H (Law Faculty, Universitas Airlangga Surabaya), Kushartoyo BS, S.H, M.H (Legal Adviser, ICRC Jakarta), Prof. Boer Mauna, former Ambassador in Rabat and Cairo, Jan Roemer (Regional Legal Advisor, ICRC), dr. Ita Perwira (ICRC).

Selama kegiatan berlangsung, para narasumber tersebut, memberikan berbagai topik yang memberikan pemahaman mendalam bagi peserta, seperti misalnya Protection and Detention according to IHL, Compliance of  IHL, IHL Treaties relating to Conventional Weapons, Aspek Hukum Humaniter dalam Military Operations Other Than War, The Use of Archipelagic Sea Lanes in War, Peace Keeping Operations and IHL, IHL treaties relating to Nuclear weapons and other weapons mass destructions, Kondisi Implementasi Nasional HHI dan Keterkaitannya dengn Komite Nasional HHI, The Role of Diplomacy in the Implementation of FP related to Humanitarian Law, Teknologi baru dalam HHI,  Senjata Otonom dan Cyber Warfare, Explosives in Populated Area Isu Kontemporer HHI, Health Care in Danger.

Adapun dari total keseluruhan 24 peserta yang hadir dan mengikuti kegiatan tersebut, terdapat perwakilan Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Bina Nusantara, yaitu Richa Vidya Yustikaningrum, yang merupakan dosen pengajar mata kuliah Isu Hukum Internasional dan Penyelesaian Sengketa Internasional.

Sebagai bentuk pengembangan mata kuliah berdasarkan Basic Course yang telah diikuti sebelumnya, beliau telah mengintegrasikan tema-tema Hukum Humaniter Internasional ke dalam kurikulum pengajaran mata kuliah tersebut. Diharapkan setelah mengikuti kegiatan Advanced Course, dapat memperkaya lagi topik-topik studi Hukum Humaniter Internasional dalam mata kuliah Hukum Internasional.

Happy Islamic New Year 1440 H


Invitation to the 29th Kijang Initiative Forum

The Role of Indonesia in Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) in Dealing with Haze and Air Pollution

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Description

The haze caused by forest fires impacted both domestic and internationally, especially Indonesia and neighbor countries. Indonesia as one of the founding members in ASEAN with its strategic location and rich cultural heritage, Indonesia has an important role in ASEAN’s development and regional integration. But with the huge damages caused by haze pollution such as health damages, economy damages, crop productivity damages, transportation damages and social damages and other damages such as decreasing number on tourism and investments is bring lots of joint losses to ASEAN member of states.

The ASEAN agreement on Transboundary Haze Polution showed how important the concern of haze pollution in Southeast Asia region. Singapore and Malaysia, the two countries that suffered the most damage from the haze pollution sees that this issues could be resolved through regional cooperation because of theirs limited capabilities in resolving this issues. So Indonesia’s government takes appropriate sanction to 23 companies that are guilty with the incident of forest burning

Introduction

Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) is a regional organization that is located in South East Asia. ASEAN was established in August 8th 1967 with five states as its founding members such as Indonesia, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia and Philippines and now ASEAN has 10 members of states, With the goal of ASEAN’s founding father which is to improve the lives of its people that is reflected on South East Asia’s economic and cultural development, social progress and regional peace and security, ASEAN Community was made in 31 December 2015, that consisted of three pillars which is ASEAN Socio–Cultural Community that is focused on Conservation and Sustainable Management on Biodiversity and Natural Resources to be exact strengthening regional cooperation in forest management through the implementation of ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution., the second pillar is ASEAN Political–Security Community and the third is ASEAN Economy Community.

Southeast Asia region with 24 million hectares of peat lands has been dealing with haze issue since 1990s (ASEAN, n.d.). The cause of the haze is the illegal burn of peat lands and prolonged dry weather. The illegal burn of peat lands mostly happened in the forest of Sumatera and Kalimantan, Indonesia. The haze from the burning of peat lands reached Indonesia’s neighbor country such as Singapore and Malaysia. Recently in 2016, the haze reached Singapore and the air in Singapore is considered as unhealthy, Data from the National Environment Agency (NEA) mentioned the Pollutant Standards Index (PSI) under 200 categories of ‘unhealthy’ entry, above 201 to 300 categories of ‘very unhealthy’, and above 300 is considered ‘dangerous’. Then when the sample was taken which include six pollutants reaching 143 in the western and nothern parts of the city at 07.00 local time and reached 137 at 12.00 local time (BBC, 2016). The haze not only reached Singapore but also Malaysia that caused the significant decrease in air quality, temporary school closing and flight that got either cancelled or delayed. Meanwhile in some province in Indonesia the PSI reached the number of 2.000. The haze caused significant decrease in air quality, low quality of vision and smoky smell. The damage caused by the haze is not only health damage like respiratory disorders, asthma, heart disease, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease but also economy, social and environmental.

Source: Reuters.com

Indonesia as one of the founding members in ASEAN with its strategic location, 261.1 million of populations (The World Bank, n.d) and rich cultural heritage have an important role in ASEAN’s development and regional integration. Indonesia with its richness in natural resources often become a challenges for Indonesia itself. Indonesia have more than 10 million hectares of peat lands (Purwanto,I., & Gintings,A.Ng. (2011). and it keeps decreasing every year due to the illegal burning of peat lands for the use of palm oil farm and prolonged dry weather.

The author is using Neoliberalism Institutionalism and the concept of complex interdependence to analyze the topic. Neoliberalism Institutionalism sees the cooperation in International Organization (IO) is driven by common interests in getting joint gains or avoiding joint losses (Rittberger, Zangl, & Kruck, 2012, p. 18), and sees how International Organization (IO) facilitates states to cooperate in order to pursue their common interests and state would be reluctant to revoke their membership in an IO as IO reduce uncertainty and transaction costs, stabilize state’s expectation towards other states and remove barriers to cooperation (Rittberger, et al., 2012, p. 20).

The cooperation through International Organization (IO) creates a complex interdependence relationship between the actors that involved in it. Complex interdependence has three objectives which is multiple channels connect societies, absence of hierarchy among issues and minor role on using military force (Keohane,R.O. & Nye,J.S, 1989).

The first objectives are multiple channels connect societies, the relations between state is not limited to only interstate relations but other non-state actors also involved in it. The non-state actor such as multinational firms affect domestic and interstate relations and the activities done by them often have an impact towards the domestic and foreign policy. The implementation of foreign policy often affected the domestic policy and made the lines between foreign and domestic policy getting blurry. These issues happened not only on economic issues but also environmental issues (Keohane,R.O. et al., 1989).

The second objectives are the absence of hierarchy among issues. In the era of globalization, foreign affair agenda has become more diverse than ever. Previously in the era of World War I & II and Cold War, the agenda is focused on military issues. Right now, the issues is not only focused on military issues but also low politics issues such as environmental, health and migration with multiple issues on the agenda, the foreign policy often threatens the interests of domestic groups (Keohane,R.O. et al., 1989).

The third objectives are minor role of military force, with the multiple issues on the table and it often is a low politics issues, it becomes irrelevant to use military force in dealing with the issues, to add more, military force is not an appropriate way for state to achieve their goals especially in economy and environmental issues. The usage of military force against an interdependent state also have a risk of losing mutually profitable relations (Keohane,R.O. et al., 1989).

 The Struggle in Dealing with Haze Issues

The haze comes from the illegal ‘slash and burn’ peat lands and dry weather, but mostly it is caused by the act of ‘slash and burn’. Slash and burn is an act to clear patches of land for plantation by setting fires on forest or peat lands. This is called to be the quickest and efficient way to clear the patches of land for plantation but this act is causing many damage as the fires in peat lands is extremely hard to stop (BBC, 2013). The forest fire in Indonesia mostly happened in Sumatra and Kalimantan and mostly was done for farmers to plant their crops or oil palm company for oil palm plantation. The peat lands clearance for oil palm plantation is estimated to around 2 million hectares is cleared every year (BBC, 2013). With the massive amount of lands being cleared through illegal slash-and-burn, the damage caused by it impacted several aspects such as health, environmental and economy.

The haze caused by forest fires impacted both domestic and internationally, especially Indonesia’s neighbor countries such as Singapore and Malaysia. The haze on 2015 in Riau is one of the recent worst haze case with 2.61 million hectares of lands is burned with 869.754 hectares of peat lands burned and 1.741.657 hectares of mineral soil burned. Six provinces in Indonesia is declared as a state of emergency emergency, they are Riau, Jambi, South Sumatra, South Kalimantan, East Kalimantan and West Kalimantan. The damage caused by this illegal slash and burn is financial damage up to US$ 47 Billion and health damage with 24 casualties, more than 600.000 people suffered from respiratory illness and more than 60 millions of lives exposed to haze (Fitri,2015).

In dealing with haze issues in 2015, Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Bencana (BNPB) spent 720 billion of Rupiah for firefighter and 17 helicopters to dropped water bombs to several hotspots in the forest fires. More than 22.000 personels also did the fire fighting from the ground. Kementerian Kesehatan Republik Indonesia (Ministry of Health) also send aids in forms of sending 27.595 tons of health supply such as masks, medicine and oxygen bottle. The aid in forms of airplane to drop water bombs from Singapore, Malaysia and Russia also coming to help fighting the forest fires. President of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, said that it would take three years to resolve this issue that has been going for years (Singapore Institute of International Affairs, 2016). According to Kementerian Lingkungan Hidup dan Kehutanan Republik Indonesia (Ministry of Environment and Forestry) the forest fires in 2017 has decreased up to 99% from 2016 with only 20.000 hectares of land get burned. This number shows a significant decreaseas the amount of lands that get burned in 2016 is 438.360 hectares (Sahroji,2017).

Source: Kompas.com

How Important The Concern of Haze Pollution in Southeast Asia Region

Association of Southeast Asia Nation (ASEAN) made an agreement to resolve the haze issues in regional area. The agreement is ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. This agreement was signed in 2002 and the purpose of this agreement is to prevent and monitor haze pollution as the result of forest or land fires that should be reduced through national efforts and international cooperation especially after the haze that happened in 1997-1998 and affected Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Through this agreement, member of states committed themselves to monitor the spread of forest fires, extinguish the fires, prevent the possibility of forest fires outbreak, measuring legislative steps and monitoring the area prone to the fire. Other things such as increasing public awareness and strengthening local fire management is also stated in this agreement (ASEAN, 2002). In 2002, all members of ASEAN signed this agreement and majority of the member ratified this agreement except Indonesia until Indonesia ratified this agreement in 2014 and become the last member of states who ratified this agreement.

With the huge damages caused by haze pollution, such as health damages, economy damages, crop productivity damages, transportation damages and social damages and other damages such as decreasing number on tourism and investments is bring lots of joint losses to ASEAN member of states. To add more, the damages caused is often indirect and non-tangible thus it is hard to count how many loss that actually affect them. With this, it creates incentive for ASEAN to launched initiatives which is The Roadmap on ASEAN Cooperation towards Transboundary Haze Pollution Control with vision, “ Transboundary Haze-Free ASEAN by 2020”. This goal of this initiatives is to eliminated haze pollution in Southeast Asia region through collective actions to prevent and control forest and/or land fires.

For Singapore and Malaysia, the two countries that suffered the most damage from the haze pollution sees that this issues could be resolved through regional cooperation because of theirs limited capabilities in resolving this issues, especially Singapore. The agreement was made with hope that it could influence Indonesia’s behavior in resolving this issue because most of the cause of the haze pollution comes from Indonesia, and yet, Indonesia has not ratified this agreement until September 2014. Previously, the agreement was not ratified by legislative because majority of parliament vote thought that it would threat Indonesia’s sovereignty and it also assumed as a way to fulfill neighbor country’s interests (Heiduk, 2016). The implementation of this agreement is also hard to fulfill because of the lack of transparency in the government, close relationship between local governments and investing companies and also little knowledge regarding of this agreement in public. The acting head of Central Kalimantan Environmental Agency admitted that he did not know much about the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (Tobing, 2017), it shows that even the local authorized party have little information regarding this agreement.

Indonesia in dealing with illegal burning of the forest have their own law. The law that regulate the protection of environment and forest is Undang-Undang Nomor 41 Tahun 1999 about forestry. Article 78, paragraph 3 stated that actors who burned the forest may be subject to 15 years imprisonment and a maximum fine of 15 billion Rupiah. Second, Undang – Undang Nomor 18 Tahun 2004, article 8 paragraph 1 stated that someone intentionally opening land by burning it may be subject to 10 years imprisonment and a maximum fine of 10 billion Rupiah. Last, the recent revised regulation is Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2009 about protection and management of the environment, article 108 stated that someone intentionally doing the act of slach and burn may be a subject to minimum three years of imprisonment and maximum ten years of imprisonment and a maximum fine of 10 billion Rupiah.

Indonesia’s government also takes appropriate sanction to 23 companies that are guilty with the incident of forest burning. The sanctions given to the 23 companies are including revocation of forest concession rights, revocation of environmental permits, forcing government to control land and license suspension. Meanwhile, another 33 companies are still under investigation (Gabrillin, 2015).

By Agreeing on ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution

Haze pollution issue is an issue that has lasted for years in ASEAN with adverse impacts on some ASEAN member of states such as Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam and Thailand. Therefore, to resolve this issue, ASEAN signed and ratified ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution to achieve joint gains by creating an ASEAN as a regional that are haze-free. ASEAN as regional organization act as a tool for state to pursue their interests, in this case Singapore relies on ASEAN to resolve this issue of haze because Singapore believed their limited capabilities to resolve this issue if only by doing bilateral relationship with Indonesia. The haze issues could be resolved through cooperation of all affected states and it could have a bigger influence to Indonesia’s behavior towards this issue.

From the complex interdependence concept, the three objectives mentioned before is multiple channels connect societies, absence of hierarchy among issues and minor role of military force. In this issue correlated with the first objectives which is multiple channels connect societies, it is shown that the act of burning the forest done by companies affected both domestic and international situation. Especially when the companies related to the burning of forest is not only Indonesia’s companies but some of them also Singapore and Malaysia’s companies. The Singapore’s Transboundary Haze Pollution Act is also complicated the problem as it is meant to deter and prosecute those who responsible for haze pollution in Singapore and it is not directed to individual or company based on nationality (Channel News Asia, 2015).

This shown on how foreign policy of one state often blur the line between foreign policy and domestic policy. Indonesia’s response toward this is also stated that Singapore can not enter Indonesia’s legal domain of forest issues because the two parties did not have agreement regarding this matter. The second objectives, the absence of hierarchy among issues, is correlated with this issues. As mentioned before, the military issue is not the only focus in foreign affair agenda but other issues also become a foreign affair agenda priorities and one of them is environmental issues. Haze pollution is clearly environmental issues in ASEAN and it also get attention from other state as it gives a huge impact to their states. The ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution as one of the forms of foreign policy also threaten domestic groups interests because this agreement requires states to take appropriate measure in preventing forest fires which is including regulating the use of forest and peat lands. It means that individual or companies that getting benefit from the act of illegal slash-and-burn did not have much freedom and could face a sanction either it is in forms of imprisonment or fine.

The third objectives, minor role of military force, is shown how the cooperation in dealing the haze issues is solved through negotiations and cooperation through ASEAN. It did not use any military force to resolve this issue, instead aid also come from other state member of ASEAN to help Indonesia resolve this issue. Also, it will become irrelevant to resolve environmental issue with the use of military force.

Through this issue, we can see how ASEAN act as tool for state in Southeast Asia region to cooperate to join the common interest. In this issue, their interest is to make ASEAN a region with haze-free by 2020. Indonesia as one of the members in ASEAN and also often called as ‘leader’ in ASEAN showed its willingness to cooperate in this issues especially in President Joko Widodo’s presidency. Indonesia is finally ratified the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution and take brave action to deal with the actor that caused the haze pollution in Sumatera and Kalimantan. Besides that, the burnt land area in 2017 also decreased as much as 99%, and again Indonesia showed its willingness to participate to cooperate in ASEAN.

The Actualization of ASEAN Haze–Free by 2020

In the era of globalization, foreign affair agenda has become more diverse than ever and not only revolves around military issues but also low politics issues such as environmental issues. Haze issues in Southeast Asia region is one of the examples on how issues in international system is not only about military issues but also environmental issues. The haze issue is one of ASEAN’s concern as it gives a huge damage to several ASEAN member of states this past several years especially Singapore and Malaysia. It is impossible to resolve this issue by just doing bilateral negotiations with two states. Therefore ASEAN member of states signed and ratified the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution.

Source: haze.asean.org

Indonesia as one of the member of states in ASEAN and the major cause of haze issues, has taken appropriate measures to make sure that Indonesia is willing to cooperate in ASEAN to achieve joint gains. The action done by Indonesia has become significant especially in President Joko Widodo’s presidency with the ratified agreement on ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution in 2014, heavier sanction to the actors who caused forest burning and the decreasing number of forest burning by years.

In the future, the author hope that the action dsone by Indonesia will be continued in a long-term and the sanctions that imposed for the actors that caused this can always be implemented by increasing transparency in government both central and local government because Indonesia is a country that is rich with natural resources and it would be a shame to overthrow that to irresponsible parties.

References

Armenia,R. (2015, October 8). Atasi Kabut Asap, Jokowi Resmi Terima Bantuan Singapura-Rusia. CNN Indonesia. Retrieved on January 17, 2018 from https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/2015100811575 7-20-83674/atasi-kabut-asap-jokowi-resmi-terima-bantuan-singapura-rusia

ASEAN. (2002). ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. Retrieved on January 16, 2018 from https://haze.asean.org/?wpfb_dl=32

ASEAN.         (2015). ASEAN          Community.    Retrieved        on January 16, 2018 from http://asean.org/storage/2012/05/7.-Fact-Sheet-on-ASEAN-Community.pdf

ASEAN. (n.d.). Roadmap on ASEAN Cooperation Towards Transboundary Haze Pollution Control with Means of Implementation. Retrieved on January 17, 2018 from http://environment.asean.org/wp-­‐ content/uploads/2016/11/Roadmap-­‐ASEAN-­‐Haze-­‐ Free_adoptedbyCOP12.pdf

ASEAN. (n.d). Combating Haze in ASEAN: Frequently Asked Questions. Retrieved on January 16, 2018 from http://haze.asean.org/about-us/combating-haze-in-asean-frequently-asked-questions/

ASEAN. (n.d). Overview. Retrieved on January 16, 2018 from http://asean.org/asean/about-asean/overview/

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BBC. (2013, June 24). South East Asia haze: What is slash-and-burn? BBC. Retrieved on January 17, 2018 from http://www.bbc.com/news/business-23026219

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Adelia Putri Irawan (2001610513)

International Relations Student – BINUS University

Analisis Model Teori Idiosinkratik terhadap Kebijakan Luar Negeri Perdana Menteri John Howard (1996-2007) dalam Imigran Gelap di Australia

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Deskripsi

Semenjak terjadinya Perang Dunia II sampai saat ini, persoalan imigran merupakan salah satu hal yang menjadi pusat perhatian bagi dunia global bahkan sampai menjadi tantangan bagi beberapa negara. Dalam 50 tahun, jumlah dari imigran yang tersebar di beberapa negara berdasarkan data statistik yang diberikan oleh Anup Shah dalam karyanya tahun 2008, bagian Introduction – Worldwide Immigrants Statistics, mengatakan bahwa 40% imigran berada di negara-negara berkembang, 60% berada di negara-negara maju termasuk 20% berada di Amerika Serikat, 33% berada di Eropa dan 7% lainnya berada di negara-negara maju. Sementara itu, negara-negara yang menjadi tujuan para imigran internasional adalah Amerika Serikat, Perancis, Jerman, Inggris, Selandia Baru, Kanada, dan Australia.

Australia yang merupakan salah satu negara maju yang mampu memberikan kesejahteraan terhadap warga negaranya. Namun sebagian besar warga masyarakat Australia memandang bahwa jumlah imigran yang memasuki negara Australia akan semakin bertambah seiring pergantian tahun, membuat Perdana Menteri Australia ke-25, John Winston Howard mengeluarkan 3 perangkat kebijakan luar negeri disebut sebagai “3 distinct sets of policy spaces”, yang dilihat banyak pihak bahwa kebijakan Howard terhadap imigran kurang ramah dan dianggap sebagai kebijakan luar negeri yang buruk, namun hal tersebut tidak menghalangi Howard untuk tetap berpegang kepada kebijakan yang sudah diputuskan demi melindungi negaranya.

Latar Belakang

Semenjak terjadinya Perang Dunia II sampai saat ini, imigran merupakan salah satu hal yang menjadi pusat perhatian bagi dunia global. Imigran juga merupakan tantangan bagi beberapa negara, karena memengaruhi pengambilan keputusan kebijakan luar negeri masing-masing negara. Terkadang retorika politik dan perdebatan dalam publik tentang imigran dapat membatasi pandangan kita, dan selama dekade kedua dalam abad ke-21, terdapat sekitar 3,3%  atau setara dengan 244 Juta jiwa yang termasuk sebagai imigran internasional dari populasi dunia.

            Dalam 50 tahun, jumlah dari imigran yang tersebar di beberapa negara sekitar 191 Juta jiwa dan berdasarkan data statistik yang diberikan oleh Anup Shah dalam karyanya tahun 2008, bagian Introduction – Worldwide Immigrants Statistics, mengatakan bahwa 40% imigran berada di negara-negara berkembang, 60% berada di negara-negara maju termasuk 20% berada di Amerika Serikat, 33% berada di Eropa dan 7% lainnya berada di negara-negara maju. Imigrasi memang memiliki dampak negatif dan positif bagi sebuah negara, dan untuk memberikan tanggapan, pada tanggal 14 Desember 1950 dunia internasional membentuk United Nations High Commissioner of Refugee (UNHCR) yang memiliki tujuan untuk melindungi dan membantu para pengungsi dari seluruh dunia (UNHCR, 2001). Disamping UNHCR, terdapat pula organisasi internasional yaitu the Global Commission on International Migration yaitu pembentukan kelompok instistusi antar-lembaga tingkat tinggi yang terlibat dalam kegiatan terkait imigrasi. Kemudian pada bulan April 2003, Sekretaris Jenderal Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangs (PBB), Koffi Annan membentuk GMG (Global Migration Group) berfokus untuk mempromosikan penerapan yang lebih luas dari semua instrumen dan norma internasional dan regional terkait dengan migrasi, dan untuk mendorong penerapan pendekatan yang lebih koheren, komprehensif dan lebih terkoordinasi dengan isu migrasi internasional. (Group, 2006) Sementara itu, negara-negara yang menjadi tujuan para imigran internasional adalah Amerika Serikat, Perancis, Jerman, Inggris, Selandia Baru, Kanada, dan Australia.

Australia merupakan salah satu negara maju yang mampu memberikan kesejahteraan terhadap warga negaranya. Jalur masuk Imigran biasanya melalui jalur udara, dimana para imigran yang masuk, datang dengan menggunakan pesawat yang mengharuskan para imigran untuk melengkapi dokumen-dokumen resmi terkait persoalan imigrasi, dan jalur boat people, para imigran yang datang menggunakan perahu sering disebut pencari suaka atau asylum seeker dengan tujuan utama yakni memperoleh suaka di Australia. (Phillips, 2015)

Salah satu lembaga yang memiliki tanggung jawab terhadap permasalahan terkait imigrasi di Australia yaitu Department Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC) menyatakan bahwa para imigran yang datang dengan kapal (boat people) dikategorikan sebagai imigran yang ilegal atau imigran gelap dimana selanjutnya para imigran ini disebut sebagai Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAS). (Katz, Powell, Gendera, Deasy, & Okerstrom, July, 2013). Hal ini muncul semenjak terjadinya insiden terorisme yang menyerang Gedung World Trade Centre (WTC) di Amerika Serikat pada tanggal 11 September 2001, dimana bersamaan dengan adanya insiden kapal Tampa, kapal ilegal berisikan 434 calon pengungsi yang berasal dari Afghanistan, Pakistan, dan Sri Lanka yang memasuki wilayah Australia dan diusir oleh militer Australia karena dianggap akan mengancam stabilitas negara tersebut. (Albrechtsen, 2015).

Source: Merdeka.com

Sebagian besar warga masyarakat Australia memandang bahwa jumlah imigran yang memasuki negara Australia akan semakin bertambah seiring pergantian tahun. Menurut hasil penelitian The Lowy Institute Poll: Immigration and Refugees, khususnya perbandingan pada tahun 2014 dan 2017, menunjukkan bahwa masyarakat Australia yang pada mulanya menilai “Too High” dengan total 37% suara dan “Too Low” dengan 14% suara, bertambah pada tahun 2017 dengan menggunakan indikator yang sama yaitu“Too High” dengan presentase 40% dan “Too Low” dengan 18% jumlah suara. (The Lowy Institute Poll: Immigration and Refugees, 2017)

Australia memiliki 3 perangkat kebijakan luar negeri disebut sebagai “3 distinct sets of policy spaces”, salah satunya adalah ruang kebijakan ke-2 yang didefinisikan sebagai kebutuhan aktual masyarakat yang dipengaruhi oleh berbagai macam peristiwa di luar perbatasan. Hal ini mengacu pada berbagai ruang kebijakan (policy spaces) yang sering kali menjadi tanggung jawab utama berbagai departemen pemerintahan. Dalam ruang kebijakan kedua ini, Australia memandang bahwa Imigrasi merupakan salah satu bagian dari ruang kebijakan yang memiliki dimensi eksternal bersifat permanen. (Gyngell & Wesley, 2003)

Kebijakan imigrasi Australia telah mengalami berbagai macam perubahan selama 65 tahun. (Spinks, 2010). Masing-masing Perdana Menteri Australia memiliki perbedaan terhadap kebijakan luar negerinya terhadap imigran yang dipengaruhi oleh level internasional dan level domestik, level individu juga sangat berpengaruh dalam setiap keputusan yang diambil. Seperti halnya dengan mantan Perdana Menteri John Winston Howard (1996–2007) yang dikenal sebagai pemimpin berkarakter tegas terlihat dari  pengambilan sikap Australia pada masa pemerintahannya yang menjadi lebih proteksionis terhadap imigran dan membuat pandangan masyarakat Australia berubah untuk menerima imigran. Pengaruh besar Howard juga mampu membuat masyarakat Australia melakukan aksi-aksi penolakan terhadap gelombang imigran. Hal ini dapat dilihat dalam pidato kampanye kebijakan imigran Howard yang mengatakan bahwa, “We will decide who comes to this country, and the circumstances in which they come.(Phippen, 2016).

Indikator dalam Analisa Kebijakan Luar Negeri

Lalu Bagaimana analisa model teori Idiosinkratik terhadap kebijakan luar negeri Perdana Menteri Australia, John Howard (1996-2007) dalam Imigran Gelap di Australia?  Dalam Teori Idiosikratik, model analisa ini memengaruhi aktor individu dalam pengambilan keputusan kebijakan luar negeri, dikenal dengan istilah persepsi elit dan didefinisikan sebagai hal yang melekat pada seseorang (pemimpin/leader). Teori ini dianggap sebagai sebuah level analisa yang paling dasar, namun fundamental karena bagaimana sistem internasional, negara, dan masyarakat terbentuk tidak lepas dari level individu yang menyusunnya. Secara umum, idiosinkratik adalah sebuah aspek yang dimiliki oleh pembuat keputusan seperti nilai, bakat, dan pengalaman sebelumnya yang mempengaruhi proses pengambilan keputusan atau kebijakan yang dilakukannya. Indikator-indikator yang penulis gunakan dalam menganalisa topik yang dipilih yakni berdasarkan model milik Alex Mintz, dan Rourke dalam karyanya “Level of Analysis and Foreign Policy” – Chapter 3 (Individual-Level Analysis).

Dalam buku yang berjudul “Understanding Foreign Policy Decision Making” karya Alex Mintz dan Karl DeRouen Jr. tahun 2010, Alex Mintz membahas 3 indikator penting yang ia masukkan ke dalam model analisa Idiosinkratik, seperti:

Kepribadian Pemimpin (Leader’s Personality)

David Winter (2003,110) mendefinisikan bahwa kepribadian seseorang merupakan integrasi proses yang berpola individual dari persepsi, ingatan, penilaian, pencarian tujuan, dan ekspresi dan regulasi emosional. dan kepribadian juga membentuk seseorang pada saat dia berhadapan dengan emosinya dengan 4 elemen penting dalam kepribadian seseorang yang menurut Winter (2003, 115-117) terbagi ke dalam temperamen yaitu komponen perilaku yang dapat diamati seperti tingkat energi dan neurosis sedangkan konteks sosial berhubungan dengan faktor-faktor seperti gender, kelas, ras, budaya, etnis, dan generasi lalu kognisi yaitu semua faktor tentang kepercayaan, nilai, dan perilaku dan  motif yaitu tujuan-tujuan yang ingin dicapai dan mekanisme pertahanan. (Mintz & Jr, 2010)

Gaya Kepemimpinan (Leadership Style)

Ketika menganalisa gaya kepemimpinan seorang presiden di suatu negara, hal tersebut dapat membantu kita untuk memahami lebih dalam mengapa beberapa keputusan tertentu dibuat oleh seorang pemimpin dan mengapa tindakan-tindakan alternatif tidak diambil. Alex Mintz membagi berbagai macam gaya kepemimpinan menjadi:

Goal-driven vs Context-driven

Goal-driven cenderung lebih menantang kendala-kendala yang mungkin dihadapinya dalam mengambil sebuah keputusan kebijakan luar negeri. Biasanya pemimpin goal-driven tidak terbuka terhadap informasi baru, sementara pemimipin context-driven cenderung mencari informasi baru. (Mintz & Jr, 2010)

Task-oriented vs Task-motivated

Gaya kepemimpinan task-oriented tidak mungkin mengubah posisi atau ideologi mereka. Sedangkan pemimipin task-motivated, cenderung kurang membutuhkan koalisi internasional atau domestik yang luas sebelum mengambil tindakan dan dalam mempertahankan kebijakan. (Mintz & Jr, 2010)

Task-oriented vs Context-Oriented

Dapat dianalisa apakah seorang pemimipin memiliki gaya kepemimpinan task-oriented atau context-oriented dari: a) Apakah pemimpin menerima kendala politik; b) Keinginan pemimpin untuk menerima informasi baru; dan c) Apakah pemimpin berfokus pada masalah atau berfokus pada hubungan (Mintz & Jr, 2010)

Tipe-tipe Pemimpin: Crusader, Strategic, Pragmatic, Incremental, dan Charismatic

Crusader

Pemimpin yang menantang batasan politik namun tertutup akan informasi-informai baru. Pemimpin tipe ini pada dasarnya tidak membatasi diri mereka dalam mengejar visinya tentang dunia. Tipe pemimpin crusader terbagi lagi menjadi 2 yakni: a) Expansionist, dimana merupakan seorang individu yang tidak ingin kehilangan kontrol. Mempunyai keinginan untuk memiliki kontrol yang besar (high need for power), memiliki kemampuan yang rendah adanya beberapa alternatif pilihan dalam pembuatan keputusan (low conceptual complexity), punya rasa nasionalisme yang tinggi terhadap negaranya (high nationalism), tidak mementingkan arti hubungan pertemanan (low need for affiliation). b) Evangelist lebih nyaman dengan hubungan dan pengaruh terhadap tujuan mereka dalam gaya yang tidak berbeda dengan pembawa berita injil seperti seorang evangelis.

Strategic

Pemimpin dalam tipe seperti ini mengetahui apa yang diinginkannya dan akan mencari informasi untuk mencapai tujuan-tujuannya tersebut. Secara politis memiliki keberanian namun tetap berhati-hati dalam mewujudkan aspirasi ambisius yang dimilikinya. (Mintz & Jr, 2010)

Pragmatic

Seorang pemimpin yang menghargai kendala-kendala politik yang dihadapi namun tertutup terhadap informasi-informasi. Dalam tipe Pragmatic, terbagi menjadi 4 tipe lagi yakni:

Directive dan Consultative

Salah satu ciri dari seorang pemimpin Directive yakni berfokus pada masalah ketika diperhadapkan dengan tantangan politik. Sementara pemimpin consultative lebih memfokuskan dirinya pada hubungan dan oleh karena itu akan hati-hati melacak posisi elit lainnya. (Mintz & Jr, 2010)

Reactive dan Accommodative

Pemimipin dengan tipe reactive cenderung termotivasi untuk fokus pada masalah yang terjadi dan bijaksana dalam setiap pengambilan keputusan kebijakan luar negeri. Hal ini dilakukan dengan cara menenukan berbagai pilihan dan apakah konstituensi politik akan menerima serta setiap masalah yang muncul dikelola sesuai dengan pertimbangan pilihan yang memenui syarat politik. Sedangkan pemimpin yang memiliki tipe Accommodative lebih memilih untuk fokus pada bagaimana membangun hubungan yang baik dengan negara lain dimana sering disebut sebagai “bridge-builders” dimana mereka berusaha menciptakan konsensus dan meningkatkan akuntabilitas (pertanggungjawaban). (Mintz & Jr, 2010)

Incremental

Pemimpin yang dihadapkan dengan masalah atau batasan yang menantang, terbuka untuk informasi.

Charismatic

Seorang pemimpin yang menginginkan hubungan juga kendala-kendala menantang dan terbuka untuk informasi (juga strategis), tetapi dalam hal motivasi berfokus pada hubungan dengan mendorong orang lain untuk bertindak. (Mintz & Jr, 2010)

5 indikator yang sangat berpengaruh terhadap berbagai macam keputusan kebijakan luar negeri yang diambil oleh seorang individu, yakni:

Personality

Bagaimana orientasi atau pandangan seorang pemimpin terhadap diri sendiri dan juga orang lain. Kepribadian positif memiliki ego yang cukup kuat untuk menikmati atau paling tidak menerima lingkungan politik yang diperdebatkan. Namun sebaliknya, kepribadian negatif cenderung merasa terbebani, bahkan disalahgunakan, oleh kritik politik. Kepribadian seorang individu juga dapat terbentuk dari beberapa faktor, seperti: faktor lingkungan dan sosial. (Rourke)

Physical dan Mental Health

Kesehatan fisik dan mental seorang pemimpin dapat menjadi faktor penting dalam pengambilan keputusan kebijakan luar negeri karena terkadang seorang pemimpin juga menderita masalah psikologis. (Rourke)

Ego/Personality dan Ambition

Ego seorang pemimpin dan ambisi pribadi juga dapat memengaruhi kebijakan luar negeri yang diambil oleh seorang pemimpin. Apakah dalam mengambil sebuah kebijakan, pemimpin tersebut terlihat lebih mengedepankan ego dan juga ambisinya dalam mencapai sebuah tujuan dari keputusan yang diambil. (Rourke)

Political History dan Personal Experiences

Dipengaruhi oleh pengalaman pribadi dari seorang pemimpin. Latar belakang politik yang dimilikinya juga membentuk cara seorang pemimpin dalam berpikir tentang keputusan terbaik yang harus diambil dimana hal ini terkait dengan dunia politik. (Rourke)

Perceptions dan Operational Reality

Menggambarkan bagaimana seorang pemimpin memandang sebuah masalah yang dihadapi sebelum mengambil sebuah keputusan untuk kebijakan. Persepsi memainkan peran kunci dalam kebijakan karena mereka membentuk realitas operasional. Dalam arti lain, pembuat kebijakan cenderung bertindak berdasarkan persepsi, apakah pandangan mereka akurat atau tidak. (Rourke)

 Dilantik Menjadi Perdana Menteri

Source: wsb.com

Lalu semenjak tanggal 11 Maret 1996 hingga 3 Desember 2007, John Winston Howard yang berasal dari Partai Liberal resmi menjadi Perdana Menteri Australia ke-25. Semasa pemerintahannya, Howard lebih mengarah kepada kepentingan nasional Australia dan terdapat beberapa kebijakan luar negeri yang dibuatnya seperti bagaimana imigrasi menjadi tidak sah, arus pengungsi, menurunkan kualitas lingkungan, narkotika dan kejahatan transnasional yang dapat mengurangi risiko konflik global yang bisa saja terjadi. Menurut Ravenhill dalam buku karyanya tahun 1998, berpendapat bahwa John Howard terlihat tidak tertarik dan tidak merasa nyaman dengan kepentingan-kepentingan luar negeri. Bagaimanapun juga, keadaan itu berubah dengan cepat seperti yang dikatakan oleh Smith dan Lowe dalam buku mereka tahun 2005 bahwa pemerintah pasti menghadapi berbagai tantangan baru (a range of new challenges) di dalam sebuah dunia yang merupakan kombinasi antara tekanan-tekanan dari dalam dan luar (a new combination of internal and external pressures). (McPhail, 2007)

Kebijakan Luar Negeri terkait Imigran Gelap di Australia

Howard yang memiliki rasa nasionalisme yang tinggi dan ingin melindungi Australia dari para imigran gelap, menjadikan dirinya mengeluarkan beberapa kebijakan luar negeri terkait imigran, seperti:

Pacific Solution

Sebuah kebijakan pertama yang membuat para imigran dengan kapal (boat people) dilarang keras untuk memasuki daratan Australia, namun dipindahkan ke pulau-pulau kecil seperti Nauru, Papua Nugini, dan Pulau Manus, letaknya 800 Km dari Port Moresby, ibukota Papua New Guinea.  Kebijakan ini dinilai mampu untuk mengurangi jumlah pengungsi atau imigran yang datang ke Australia. Sementara Para imigran yang datang ke Australia diperlakukan kurang baik sebagai tahanan di Pulai Nauru, negara kepulauan berada di Mikronesia, Pasifik Tengah. Meskipun Howard mendapat protes dari dunia internasional, namun sikap tegasnya untuk melindungi kepentingan nasional Australia karena hal ini sudah terbukti mengurangi para imigran yang memilih untuk tinggal di Australia. (International, 2002, pp. 1-6)

Relex Operation

Dalam kebijakan ini, Royal Australian Navy (RAN) diberikan perintah untuk mencegat Suspected Illegal Entry Vessels (SIEVs), jika mereka ingin memasuki zona tambahan Australia yang berjarak 24 mil laut dari pantai Australia, RAN akan mengarahkan kembali ke Indonesia. Pemerintah mengeluarkan dana yang tidak sedikit untuk kebijakan ini untuk mengelola kedatangan kapal ilegal mencapai $10,3 Miliar. Banyak pencari suaka yang masuk ke Australia tanpa visa kecewa akan kebijakan ini. (International, 2002, pp. 6,8)

Temporary Protection Visa

Para imigran yang datang ke Australia tanpa visa resmi akan diberikan visa perlindungan sementara (Temporary Protection Visa – TPV) berupa izin untuk tinggal mendiami wilayah Australia dalam waktu tertentu namun mereka tidak terjamin untuk dapat tinggal di Australia secara permanen. Namun kebutuhan dasar seperti kesehatan serta akses pendidikan tidak diberikan secara utuh bahkan kesempatan kerja bisa didapatkan oleh imigran, mereka pun tidak dapat berkumpul dengan keluarganya sebagai bentuk dari hukuman yang diberikan pemerintah jika mereka tidak memiliki visa resmi. Walaupun ada beberapa imigran yang mendapat Permanent Protection Visa, namun tetap tidak ada kesempatan bagi mereka untuk membawa keluarga. (ASRC)

Menurut hasil sebuah Lembaga Survey, The Lowy Institute Poll 2016 terkait Refugees and Immigration: Attitudes to Australia’s refugee policies oleh Alex Oliver, banyak warga negara Australia yang setuju dengan kebijakan luar negeri Australia mengenai imigran dan pengungsi dimana kebijakan tersebut yaitu “Stopping the boats means that Australia can take in more refuges through UN processes” (Memberhentikan kapal-kapal berarti Australia dapat menerima lebih banyak pengungsi melalui proses PBB), dalam arti lain tidak perlu menerima imigran illegal karena pengungsi yang diterima melalui PBB akan lebih teratur. Dengan jumlah 63% warga Australia mendukung kebijakan tersebut dan hanya 31% yang tidak mendukung kebijakan tersebut.

Sumber: The Lowy Institute Poll (lowyinstitute.org)

Hanya terdapat 45% warga Australia yang setuju bahwa “Australia adalah negara kaya yang harus menerima lebih banyak pengungsi daripada di masa sekarang ini”. dan 53% tidak menyetujui hal tersebut. (Oliver, 2016)

Kebijakan Sang Nasionalis terhadap Imigran Gelap di Australia

Kebijakan Perdana Menteri John Winston Howard terhadap Imigran Gelap di Australia yang datang dari berbagai negara cenderung tegas dan keras terhadap mereka, meskipun dunia internasional memandang bahwa apa yang dilakukan Howard bukanlah sebuah kebijakan yang adil dan manusiawi, namun tidak sedikit masyarakat Australia yang menilai bahwa kinerja Howard terhadap isu imigran ini adalah tindakan yang baik dalam memberi tanggapan. Kebijakan luar negeri Howard ini selain dibuat berdasarkan kepentingan nasional Australia, keputusan yang telah diambil oleh Howard juga dapat berasal dari faktor pribadi (personal factor), dimana dengan menggali lebih dalam lagi apa yang menjadi penyebab Howard bersikap tegas terhadap para imigran yang ingin menetap di Australia. Salah satu yang dapat membantu menjawab pertanyaan ini yaitu indikator-indikator yang terdapat dalam model analisa Idiosinkratik, seperti:

Personality dan Leadership Style

John Winston Howard dapat dilihat sebagai seorang individu dengan memiliki kepribadian yang tidak mudah menyerah serta ambisius, dibuktikan dengan kondisi masa mudanya yang memiliki kekurangan pendengaran. Tidak ingin menyerah begitu saja, Howard berjuang lebih keras untuk mengatasi kekurangannya tersebut dengan cara belajar secara tekun dan hal tersebut membuat ia terkenal dengan murid yang berprestasi dimana ia mendapat beasiswa nasional di masa sekolahnya. Sifat ambisius Howard yang benar-benar menyukai dunia hukum telah ditekuninya sejak duduk di bangku sekolah. Setelah lulus dari Canterbury Boys’ High School pada tahun 1956, Howard memilih jurusan Hukum di University of Sydney. Pada tahun 1961, Howard lulus dari universitas tersebut kemudian memilih untuk berlatih sebagai pengacara selama dua belas tahun. Howard juga pernah menjadi seorang pengacara di Mahkamah Agung New South Wales. Rasa ambisius Howard yang ingin terlibat lebih dalam dunia politik membawa dirinya menjadi anggota Partai Liberal pada tahun 1974, dan dipilih sebagai Menteri di bidang bisnis dan konsumer pada tahun 1975-1977, bendahara federal tahun 1977-1983, wakil pemimpin Partai Liberal pada tahun 1982 dan menjadi pemimpin koalisi oposisi kaum Liberal dengan Partai Nasional pada tahun 1985 sampai pada bulan Maret 1996, Howard selaku pemimpin Partai Liberal dinyatakan menang sebagai Perdana Menteri Australia dalam pemilihan umum yang diselenggarakan. (McPhail, 2007, pp. 82-85)

Selain itu, Howard juga merupakan seorang pemimpin yang bersifat Ekspansionis yang memiliki rasa nasionalisme yang tinggi terhadap Australia. Hal ini dapat dilihat ketika Howard mengikuti kegiatan antar sekolah seperti kompetisi debat dan kewarganegaraan. Menurut salah satu media milik Inggris, REUTERS dalam berita yang dipublikasikan secara online pada 24 November 2007 oleh James Grubel, “Australia’s Howard leaves prosperity social division”, mengatakan bahwa ketika Howard pertama kali menang dalam pemilihan umum menjadi Perdana Menteri, Howard mengatakan dalam pidatonya bahwa ia ingin seluruh masyarakat Australia merasa bahwa negara ini merupakan negara yang bisa memberikan kenyamanan bagi mereka, karena itu tidak heran mengapa Howard bersikap agresif dan tegas terhadap keputusan kebijakan yang diambil terkait imigran gelap di Australia. (Grubel, 2007)

Media Australia yang juga memberitakan tentang ambisi Howard terhadap Australia adalah ABC News yang dipublikasikan pada 3 Maret 2016 oleh Terry Barnes dengan judul “John Howard: The greayes PM of our time”. Dalam berita ini, disebutkan bahwa, “Most famously, in 1996 Howard wanted Australians to be comfortable in their own skins. When pressed aggressively by Four Corners reporter Liz Jackson about his ambitions for Australia in the year 2000, Howard simply said he wanted Australians to be “comfortable and relaxed” about their past, present and future.”. Ketika ditanya oleh salah satu repoter berita apa ambisi Howard untuk Australia pada tahun 2000, ia hanya menjawab yang diinginkan hanya masyarakat Australia merasa nyaman dan tenang tentang masa lalu mereka, masa sekarang, dan juga masa depan. (Barnes, 2016)

Howard merupakan salah satu individu yang termasuk dalam tipe pemimpin yang Direktif yakni seorang pemimpin menghormati batasan politik namun tertutup terhadap informasi-informasi yang kemungkinan diterima. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan ketika sejak kecil tumbuh dan berkembang di Australia dimana keadaan ini membawa rasa cintanya yang sangat besar pada Australia. Howard cenderung tertutup dengan informasi baru dan akibatnya informasi yang diterimanya adalah informasi yang lebih cocok dengan pandangan yang dimilikinya sampai mengikuti kegiatan-kegiatan yang mendukung keamanan Australia. Pengaruh budaya setempat membawa nilai tersendiri terhadap kebiasaan untuk memercayai sesuatu.

Gaya kepemimpinan John Winston Howard pada masa jabatannya tahun 1996–2007 telah menggambarkan bahwa Howard merupakan seorang individu Goal-Driven, dimana Howard lebih suka menantang kendala-kendala yang mungkin dihadapinya dalam mengambil sebuah keputusan serta tidak terbuka terhadap informasi-informasi baru. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari bagaimana sikap Howard terhadap para imigran yang ingin memilih Australia sebagai negara tujuan mereka, yakni menentang keras masuknya imigran gelap dan membuat beberapa kebijakan yang harus dipatuhi oleh para imigran yang ingin masuk ke wilayah Australia. Selain itu gaya kepemimpinan lain juga ditunjukkan oleh Howard dimana ia merupakan seorang pemimpin dengan pandangan konservatif karena tidak pernah mengubah nilai atau pahamnya sama sekali. Gaya kepemimpinan seperti ini disebut dengan Task-Oriented yang mana tidak mungkin mengubah posisi atau ideologi mereka. “John Howard is by far the most successful conservative politician to have held office, anywhere in the world, in the 21st century. From 1996, he won four consecutive elections, and was Liberal (ie Tory) Prime Minister of Australia until his defeat in November 2007.” (Moore, 2011)

Ego/kepribadian dan Ambisi

Berita yang dipublikasikan secara online, The Atlantic oleh J. Weston Phippen pada 29 April 2016 mengenai “Australia’s Controversial Migration Policy” memberikan bukti bahwa memang Howard lebih mengedepankan egonya dalam membuat sebuah keputusan kebijakan luar negeri, khususnya yang berkaitan dengan imigran gelap yang ingin tinggal di Australia.

“It was an election year in Australia, and Prime Minister John Howard’s Liberal Party, which holds a conservative ideology, was trailing in the polls. But on the policy-launch day of his election campaign, Howard made his stance on immigration clear: “We will decide who comes to this country, and the circumstances in which they come.” His ideas on immigration shaded him a strong leader and is credited in part with his party’s election victory that November.”

Pada saat peluncuran kebijakan dari kampanye pemilihannya, Howard mengatakan dengan jelas bahwa, “Kami akan menentukan siapa yang datang ke negara ini dan keadaan dimana mereka boleh datang.” Kebijakannya tentang imigran gelap di Australia menjadikannya seorang pemimpin yang dipandang kuat dan hal ini dipercaya sebagai salah satu faktor mengapa Howard memenangkan pemilihan partainya. (Phippen, Australia’s Controversial Migration Policy, 2016).

Karena ego dan ambisi Howard yang sangat kuat terhadap perlindungan Australia dari para imigran gelap, masyarakat Australia menilai bahwa Perdana Menteri John Howard merupakan seorang pemimpin yang paling sukses dari Perdana Menteri Australia yang lain dalam kebijakan luar negeri yang diputuskannya terutama tentang imigran. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan dari survei yang dilakukan oleh The Lowy Institute Poll 2016:

Sumber: : The Lowy Institute Poll (lowyinstitute.org)

Dari pertanyaan yang diberikan: “Dalam pandangan pribadimu, sudahkah para Perdana Menteri di bawah ini melakukan perkerjaan yang baik, pekerjaan yang masuk akal, atau pekerjaan yang buruk dalam menangani kebijakan luar negeri Australia?”. Jawaban yang diberikan oleh masyarakat Australia terhadap John Winston Howard adalah 82% mengatakan bahwa Howard telah melakukan pekerjaan yang sangat baik dan masuk akal dalam menangani kebijakan luar negeri Australia dibandingan dengan Perdana Menteri yang lain. Howard mendapatkan penilaian yang paling tinggi dari survei yang dlakukan The Lowy Institute. Bukti inilah yang menunjukkan bahwa betapa ambisius Howard dalam menciptakan Australia menjadi negara yang nyaman bagi warga negaranya.

Political History dan Personal Experiences

John Winston Howard lahir pada tanggal 26 Juli 1939 di Sydney, New South Wales. Howard merupakan putra ke-4 dari pasangan Lyall Howard dan Mona dan dibesarkan dalam keluarga yang berkecukupan, keluarganya membuka usaha sendiri. Howard juga memiliki kemandirian yang lebih daripada orang lain pada umumnya, hal ini menjadi faktor yang memunculkan citra dan sudut pandangnya tentang dunia bahwa seharusnya dunia juga bisa bersikap mandiri. Dengan permasalahan imigran di Australia yang sudah jelas akan mengantungkan hidupnya pada pemerintah Australia membuat Howard memikirkan keadaan yang seharusnya yaitu para imigran mampu bertahan di negara mereka masing-masing dan tidak mencari tempat tinggal di negara lain. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan dalam pernyataan John Howard ketika melakukan wawancara dengan Melbourne talkback radio pada 17 Agustus 2001 yang mengatakan, “Many of them are frightened to go back to those countries and we are faced with this awful dilemma of, on the one hand, trying to behave like a humanitarian decent country, on the other hand making certain that we don’t become just an easy touch for illegal immigrants.”. Howard berkata bahwa Australia tidak bisa semudah itu dalam menerima para imigran gelap yang ingin masuk ke wilayah Australia. (Wright)

Hal yang paling penting menurut John Winston Howard adalah kesejahteraan warga negara Australia, dengan pandangan konservatif yang dimilikinya menjadikannya sangat sulit untuk terbuka pada isu baru. Pandangannya terhadap keamanan negara Australia diwujudkan dalam kebijakan penahanan imigran gelap. Kecintaan Howard yang tinggi terhadap Australia meningkatkan proteksi dari ancaman yang muncul baik dari dalam (internal threat) maupun dari luar (external threat). Menurut Howard, identitas dan kepentingan Australia mejadi penting untuk dipahami bersama sebagai hal yang harus dijaga bersama. Dalam Bab 2 dari kebijakan luar negeri pertama John Howard yakni White Paper, dalam Kepentingan Nasional, Howard menekankan kembali perlunya lebih dulu memprioritaskan kepentingan-kepentingan Australia. (McPhail, 2007, p. 91)

Latar belakang lain mengapa Howard bersikap tegas terhadap imigran memang karena faktor dari dirinya yang tidak menyukai orang asing. Sebagian besar imigran yang datang memasuki wilayah Australia bukanlah orang asli Australia, namun dari Timur Tengah dan Asia. Sikap ini ditujukkan oleh karena Howard tidak menginginkan munculnya multikulturalisme di negara Australia, sehingga dia akan melakukan apapun untuk melindungi negaranya tersebut. Pada masa pemerintahannya, Howard memang lebih cenderung membangun hubungannya dengan negara-negara Barat seperti Amerika Serikat. Hubungan Howard yang sangat dekat dengan Amerika Serikat dibuktikan melalui penandatanganan the American-led Coalition, dalam posisi yang lebih menegangkan setelah pengeboman terjadi di Bali, Indonesia pada tahun 2002 dimana telah menewaskan lebih dari 200 orang dan banyak dari mereka merupakan warga negara Australia (Coughlin, 2007).

Bagi Howard, orang asing tidak memiliki hak untuk hidup di Australia, bahkan Howard mengkhawatirkan adanya pergeseran ras mayoritas Australia akibat banyaknya para imigran yang datang dan memasuki Negara Australia. Hal ini diperkuat dengan adanya pernyataan Howard bahwa, “I am tired of this nation worrying about whether we are offending some individual or their culture. Since the terrorist attacks on Bali, we have experienced a surge in patriotism by the majority of Australians.” yang menegaskan bahwa semenjak terjadinya Bom Bali tahun 2000, masyarakat Australia, termasuk Howard sebagai seorang pemimpin telah mengalami gelombang patriotisme yang berasal dari mayoritas orang Australia. (News, 2007)

Bukti kedua yang menunjukkan bahwa Howard tidak menginginkan adanya multikulturalisme di Australia akibat banyaknya para imigran yang datang dari Asia dan Timur Tengah dapat ditemukan melalui M L (Kim) Murray dalam buku karya miliknya yang berjudul “JOHN HOWARD: A STUDY IN POLICY CONSISTENCY” memperjelas bahwa John Howard menolak multikulturalisme, membahayakan pendekatan bipartisan terhadap imigrasi dengan melakukan advokasi pada 1988 menerima beberapa imigran Asia dan mengusulkan agar kebijakan yang ditujukan pada Penduduk Asli didasarkan pada layanan pengiriman utama, dengan masuknya mereka melalui ekonomi Australia melalui pendidikan dan pekerjaan. “he resisted multiculturalism, jeopardised the bipartisan approach to immigration by advocating in 1988 acceptance a few Asian migrants and proposed that policies directed at Indigenous people be based on mainstream delivery services, with their entry through the Australian economy through education and employment(Murray, 2010)

Perceptions dan Operational Reality

Persepsi bisa saja mengalahkan rasionalitas yang dimiliki oleh seorang individu karena kekuataan nilai yang sudah melekat dalam dirinya. Secara psikologis, seorang individu cenderung akan nyaman dengan cara berpikir yang sudah sering digunakannya dalam proses pengambilan keputusan kebijakan luar negeri. Persepsi muncul secara bertahap sejak masa kecil seorang individu, terutama melalui keluarga dimana menjadi sumber utama persepsi seorang individu terbentuk meskipun persepsi yang diperoleh karena pengaruh lingkungan keluarga tidak selalu dapat memengaruhi seseorang secara dominan, namun persepsi yang muncul karena lingkungan keluarga akan menjadi dasar atau pedoman pemikiran sedari dulu sehingga pasti sulit untuk diubah, bahkan ditinggalkan.

John Winston Howard adalah seorang konservatif, kepercayaan pada paham ini sudah ada dalam dirinya bahkan sebelum ia menjadi Perdana Menteri Australia yang dimulai pada tahun 1996, bahkan sampai akhir masa pemerintahannya, Howard tetap mempertahankan pandangan Konservatif ini.  Pandangan ini sangatlah sulit untuk berubah karena pendirian seorang pemimpin yang konservatif adalah pendirian yang kuat. (Hollander, 2008). Howard memandang bahwa masyarakat lain yang bukan berasal dari identitas nasionalnya merupakan hal yang harus diwaspadai karena dapat menjadi ‘musuh’ yang kemudian dapat membahayakan negara Australia dan memang para imigran adalah sekumpulan orang yang berasal dari negara-negara asing dimana identitas yang mereka miliki sudah jelas berbeda.

Dalam sebuah interview tahun 1984, Howard mengungkapkan banyak hal tentang pandangan dunianya dan pandangan pribadinya akan masyarakat Australia. Howard mengekpresikan kepercayannya bahwa, “Kaum Liberal adalah partai yang memerintah secara alami.” karena Australia pada dasarnya merupakan negara yang sangat konservatif. “These views have remained with him, and form part of his conservative world-view. He also expressed the firm believe that ‘the Liberals are the natural governing party’ because Australia is ‘basically a very conservative country”. Pandangan Konservatif tentang penolakan terhadap fakta-fakta baru diwujudkan Howard dalam sikapnya yang menolak masyarakat baru dimana mereka adalah para imigran yang datang dari berbagai negara di dunia. (McPhail, 2007, p. 85)

Dianggap Sebagai Kebijakan Luar Negeri yang Buruk

Setiap individu memiliki cara tersendiri untuk membuat keputusan mereka terhadap sesuatu yang mereka anggap penting, sama halnya dengan seorang pemimpin. Nilai atau sebuah paham yang sudah ditanamkan sejak kecil mampu membuat seorang pemimpin sulit untuk meninggalkannya begitu saja sehingga, hal itu menjadi salah satu bagian yang berperan dalam pengambilan kebijkan luar negeri.

Kebijakan luar negeri Perdana Menteri, John Winston Howard terhadap imigran di Australia bersifat tegas dan cenderung menolak untuk terbuka kepada seluruh imigran yang memilih Australia sebagai tujuan mereka untuk tinggal. Melalui model analisa Teori Idosinkratik yakni suatu studi tentang individu dimana karakter seseorang digunakan untuk mengambil keputusan dalam kebijakan luar negeri, dapat diketahui faktor-faktor dan alasan Howard memilih kebijakan luar negeri tersebut. Terdapat empat indikator penting yang dapat menganalisa Howard terkait kebijakan imigran yang dipilihnya, yaitu: 1) Kepribadian, Gaya Kepemimpinan, dan Tipe Pemimpin (Personality, Leadership Style, and Types of Leader); 2) Ego/kepribadian dan Ambisi (Ego/Personality and Ambition); 3) Pengalaman-pengalaman Pribadi dan Sejarah Politik (Political History and Personal Experiences); 4) Persepsi dan Realitas Operasional (Perceptions and Operational Reality).

Kebijakan luar negeri Howard yang tidak ingin terbuka dengan para imigran untuk melindungi Negara Australia dari ancaman luar membuat jumlah imigran yang pada awalnya ingin memasuki wilayah Australia semakin berkurang. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan melalui berita yang dipublikasikan secara online oleh media lokal Australia, ABC News pada 21 Februari 2018 oleh Jackson Gothe-Snap yang menunjukkan data jumlah imigran di Australia mulai dari tahun 1980-2015. Dibandingkan dengan tahun 1980-1995, para imigran yang datang ke Australia mencapai 80%. Lalu pada masa pemerintahan Howard tahun 1996-2007, rata-rata hanya mencapai antara 40%–60%. Dari data tersebut dapat dilihat meskipun banyak pihak yang memandang bahwa kebijakan Howard terhadap imigran kurang ramah, namun hal tersebut tidak menghalangi Howard untuk tetap berpegang kepada kebijakan yang sudah diputuskan demi melindungi negaranya.

REFERENSI

BERITA:

Albrechtsen, J. (2015, January 13). John Howard on the Tampa refugee issue and the 9/11 attacks in Washington and New York. Retrieved June 26, 2018, from THE AUSTRALIAN: https://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/john-howard-on-the-tampa-refugee-issue-and-the-911-attacks-in-washington-and-new-york/news-story/6871c0b0fdefe5bf33ae7631b4d97384

Grubel, J. (2007). Australia’s Howard Leaves Prosperity, Social Division. REUTERS. Retrieved July 2, 2018, from https://www.reuters.com/article/us-australia-election-howard/australias-howard-leaves-prosperity-social-division-idUSSYD14008620071124

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Gyngell, A., & Wesley, M. (2003). Making Australian Foreign Policy. Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo, London, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Retrieved June 14, 2018

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Hollander, R. (2008). John Howard, Economic Liberalism, Social Conservatism, and Australian Federalism. Australian Journal of Politics and History, 53(1). Retrieved July 2, 2018, from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2008.00486.x

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Rourke. (n.d.). Chapter 3: Individual-Level Analysis. In Levels of Analysis and Foreign Policy (pp. 73-76). Retrieved June 29, 2018, from https://reidyhistory15-16.wikispaces.com/file/view/Rourke12e_Sample_ch03.pdf

Suarez-Orozco, M., & Suarez-Orozco, C. (2017, June 6). Re-Imagining Migration: UCLA Ed & IS. Retrieved June 14, 2018, from Re-imagining Migration: https://reimaginingmigration.org/a-global-perspective-on-immigration/

The Lowy Institute Poll: Immigration and Refugees. (2017). (Lowy Institute Poll) Retrieved June 14, 2018, from Lowy Institute Website: https://lowyinstitutepoll.lowyinstitute.org/immigration-and-refugees/#

UNHCR. (2001). UNHCR: The UN Refugee Agency. Retrieved June 26, 2018, from www.unhcr.org: http://www.unhcr.org/history-of-unhcr.html

 

Christine Maria Masniari (1901507660)

Mahasiswa Hubungan Internasional – BINUS University

 

 

 

 

 

The Logic of Democratic Peace Theory in the Post-Cold War Era

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Description

The emergence of democratic states in the post–Cold War era has influenced international relations dynamics and has led to receding number of major conflicts between great powers in the world, and after the dissolution of the USSR, it impacted the international system in several ways. The phenomenon of the USA that become the sole world super power makes liberal ideology and democracy also hold strong influence in the international sphere. The structure of a democratic state also makes it harder for the head of the state to declare war.

The international system is currently in a long peace era after the Cold War; there are no major power wars with devastating effects. The emergence of liberal democratic states make the  essay of Perpetual Peace, Kant that stated to attain peace, states must first be democratic. This is because the values embedded in liberal democratic framework actively support the promotion of peace, various attributes and practices of democratic states also factor in the process of maintaining peace. Hence, in an era where democracy is the dominant system in the world, the frequency of major power war has diminished.

Introduction

The proposition of the Democratic Peace Theory states that democratic states do not go to war against each other and can be used to explain the relatively peaceful international system in the post–Cold War era due to the lack of major powers war.  Following the world wars, the world saw the fall of colonialism and the rise of young democratic sovereign states. After that, the fall of the Soviet Union marked the fall of communism in the international sphere as well as the rise of independent states that used to be part of the union. These states, much like the majority of other states in the world, have also adopted a democratic system to replace the former authoritarian system. This emergence of democratic states in the post-Cold War era has influenced international relations dynamics and has led to receding number of major conflicts between great powers in the world.

Source: nicholaswoodesmith.com

The Cold War refers to the state of tension between two major superpowers, the United States of America (USA) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), after the world wars. The term “cold” was used because despite the intense conflict between the two sides, no “hot” wars or direct armed conflicts happened during this period of time. Instead, the two opposing nations competed against each other in a series of proxy wars. Proxy wars in this era refer to armed conflicts instigated by the major powers, USA and USSR, which are fought between regional states which are supported by the superpower states.[1]

A prominent example of the proxy wars in the Cold War era is the Korean War, which started in 1950 and ended in 1953. At the end of World War II, the southern part of Korea was liberated from Japanese occupation by American troops and the North by Soviet forces, dividing Korea into two sides at the 38th parallel. Both sides were supposed to withdraw from Korea when the nation was deemed fit to self-rule. However, when the Cold War emerged, the USSR intended to spread communism into Korea and the United States countered this action as part of the containment policy. These actions then led a war to break out between the two sides, leaving Korea divided for decades after the end of Cold War.

More Proxy Wars Initiated by either The USA or The USSR

While the War never escalated into direct conflict, the tension, as well as the proxy wars initiated by both sides, caused this period to be considered as a major war. The Cold War ended in the 1990s with the fall of the Soviet Union. This war was the last large-scale confrontation among the world’s great powers.

In the Post–Cold War era, the international system is relatively peaceful with no major wars between competing world powers. There has also been a shift in the trends in armed conflicts. Overall, the number of armed conflict occurrences in the post–Cold War era has decreased.[2] According to a report compiled by PRIO in 2016, there is also a downwards trend for interstate conflicts while the trend for intrastate conflicts is generally rising.[3] Therefore, there has been a shift towards asymmetrical armed conflicts – such as between states and insurgence groups – in contrast to the typical symmetrical conflicts trend in the past. Moreover, these conflicts generally only involve states which are not a major or even an emerging power. The frequency of great power war has completely diminished in the post-Cold War period.[4]

The dissolution of the USSR impacted the international system in several ways. First, this phenomenon left the USA to be the sole world super power. At that time, no other state besides the USSR was able to compete with the capabilities of the USA. Other countries in the world at that time were either aligned with the USA and thus pose no threat or they were not strong enough to challenge the United States reign in the international politics.

Decades later, USA remains as the world’s sole hegemony. There might have been some states, such as China and Russia, which are starting to rise up and seem to be getting closer to challenge the United States position as the world’s sole hegemony. Despite this, There may have been some tension between the countries but if there were any kind of hostility, it was not acted upon.

Ideological hostility, which was one of the main factors which brought on the war, was also eliminated. The two major super powers, USA and the USSR, had contrasting political systems and behind those political systems, contrasting ideological views. Due to the contrast between the two ideologies, any attempt to spread one will be seen as hostile by the other nation. The fall of communism left only liberalism standing as the main ideology held by a major power. The democratization process the former Soviet states went through also ensured this. The Soviet dissolution also led to the birth, or rebirth, of fifteen independent states in Eastern and Central Europe. Along with weakening of communism influences, these states went on to adopt democratic system to replace the old authoritarian system. USA even assisted those states through this process and while it was not without difficulties nor entirely successful, it did transform the states ideological view and increased the political freedom of the people in each country.

This democratization process played an important role in promoting and maintaining peace. Visions of world peace have been put on the foundation of the collective peace between democracies. Kant spoke of perpetual peace in which he stated that one of the main pillars for peace is based upon states sharing “republican constitutions”[5]. In this context, the republican constitution Kant refers to corresponds with the main idea of a democratic state; states which have a freedom-based constitution, representative government, and clear separation of power.[6] Thus, adhering to the idea of perpetual peace, the democratization of states brings positive impact on the promotion of peace.

The Logic Behind The Existence of Liberal Democratic States

First, democracies tend to be more prosperous. States that identify as democratic ranked higher in the Prosperity Index of 2016 by Legatum Institute.[7] Meanwhile, states ranked lower in the list are mainly states that identify as autocratic. The prosperity of the people leads to a stable domestic political environment. Internal conflicts are less likely to happen, and less internal turmoil allows the government to focus on the development of the country. Stability and country development go hand in hand and more stability means a state is likely to be stronger. Applied to non-hegemony states, this means that they are less prone to be an object of attack by other states. Even if the state is not a regional hegemony, the internal stability it possesses allows it to maintain a relatively strong influence in the international political sphere and is less vulnerable to be an object of attack.

The amount of power a major power state possesses holds enough deterrent effect. The concern when talking about a major power is whether or not they will initiate a war. Liberals consider wars to be inhumane and therefore, should not be done unless it serves a purpose. One of the main traditional factors that cause a war is political-economy[8]; War may be used as a way to obtain foreign wealth and resources. A powerful and prospering state will already have fulfilled most of its people’s need economically. Moreover, a democracy will put the social welfare of its people at the top of its priority. Wars are costly; it also threatens the aggregate social welfare of a state. Therefore, for this reason, a major power is unlikely to wage a war.

Liberal ideology and democracy also hold strong influence in the international sphere. A democratic government is seen as the height of civilization and undemocratic states are considered uncivilized. Democracies also tend to trust each other more and are more likely to cooperate in multiple sectors, such as trade and economy, which are important to the survival of the state. In 2013, 123 of 192 recognized states in the world are democratic, though with various levels of democracy implementation.[9] Being undemocratic may pose problems for a state when attempting to form diplomatic relations from the majority of the world and therefore interfere with the state’s effort to survive.

Differences in national attributes, such as governmental system and ideology, have been shown to have a great impact on the likelihood of war. Similar-minded states with identical ideology are more inclined to trust each other and form cooperation. Germany and France are good examples for this case. Due to their similarities, misunderstanding and security dilemma between both states are likely to be minimized as each has an insight to how the other might utilize its power. However, the case differs with the US and North Korea. Due to the differences between both state’s ideologies, predicting the other’s move on how they will exercise their military power is harder. Between these two countries, the security dilemma is very prominent, heightening the tension. The probability of war breaking out between both states is also heightened. For that reason, democracies are expected to maintain peace, at least among similar-minded states.

Liberal states tend to not use coercive powers in attaining its objectives with other liberal states. Liberalism upholds the value of freedom and human rights, utilizing military power may go against these values as it may cost the lives and freedom of civilians in the target state. Democracies will avoid exercising coercive means unless necessary. This condition makes it more likely for democracies to prefer peaceful negotiations to reach an agreement. Soft power –influencing other states through cultures and knowledge – or smart power – a combination between soft and hard or coercive power – are preferred by democracies.

Preference for soft and smart power leads to better diplomatic relations. Negotiations and communication will be done more frequently among democratic states than among states with different ideologies. Overall, this results in better relations between states. Increased communication also reduces the likelihood of misunderstanding to occur. As a result, states intentions are more clearly understandable by the other and the probability of a conflict to break out is reduced.

Liberals tend to be more pacific. It does not mean that they will not participate in a war. As stated before, liberals believe that a war must serve a purpose. A democratic state is also very likely to promote democracy in autocratic states. In such condition, a democracy is inclined to intervene and even launch military operations to make way for a regime change, turning the situation into some sort of a “crusade” for democracy. Such is the case with USA and states in the Middle East region. In its attempt to promote democracy, the USA often interferes with foreign states affairs and it also had had occurrences where it used military forces to achieve its objectives. A prime example for this is the 2003 US intervention in Iraq.

Source: globalresearch.ca

Despite this, it is important to note that the majority of the world is democratic, just like USA which is the hegemony in the post-Cold War period. It is also true for emerging world powers such as China and Russia. While it may be argued that these states have deeply flawed democratic system, these states still hold some similarities with the current super power. In this situation, the super power has no reason to launch an attack by saying that it is an attempt to spread democracy nor is it likely for a war caused by ideological hostility to occur. Other states that could potentially rise to major power status such as India and Brazil are also democracies. Thus, peace is likely to be maintained among major powers in the post-Cold War era.

Interdependence among democratic states is also an important factor in maintaining peace in the post-Cold War period. With the emergence of democratic states, liberal trade flourishes in the international system as it is one of the main characteristics of liberal states. It is considered to be a way to increase the aggregate social welfare of the people. Thus, democracies more often than not support trade relations with minimum barrier, allowing goods to flow freely between both sides. Prolonged trade relation causes population from both states to be dependent on each other to gain income or obtain certain resources. Wars are costly, even more so if both sides economies are deeply connected, which is more likely to be the case between democratic states.  The more economically interdependent a state is in relation to another, the more devastating the impacts of war will be to its economy. Therefore, to preserve its economy, democratic states are unlikely to wage war against each other.

Lastly, the will of the people in democratic states also play role in preserving peace. Due to its high regards towards the welfare of the people as well as freedom, democracies are theoretically people-driven, even nations that have flawed democracy still goes along with the population’s voice to an extent. When a state is people-driven, it is unlikely for that state to declare war unless it is for self-preservation measure. The rationale behind this is the fact that a war is costly and requires public mobilization Wars will cause part of the population to be drafted, the economy will also suffer as state budget will mostly be spent on war efforts, and infrastructures will likely be destroyed. Civilians end up bearing the brunt of wars whether their state is the victor or not.

The Major World Power in The post-Cold War Period

The structure of a democratic state also makes it harder for the head of the state to declare war.  Unlike autocratic states, democratic states tend to have a higher level of transparency in its governance structure. In autocratic states, state leaders would have no problem declaring war since no other power in the state since their power is absolute in state. Meanwhile, civilians of a democratic state can easily perform check and balance towards the government’s policy and decisions, including those regarding war and conflicts.  A democratic government structure also allows the population to deliver their aspirations through multiple channels and adhering to what has been stated before; the population is inclined to vote against a war.

Despite the numerous armed conflicts it is involved in, the United States is only involved in extra state wars in foreign lands; the only part of the USA population put at risk is those who are in the military, the combatants who are drafted.  The United States, prioritizing its population’s welfare, is unlikely to declare interstate war which directly involves itself since doing so will threaten the security population.

The international system is currently in a long peace era after the Cold War; there are no major power wars with devastating effects. Incidentally, this era also sees the emergence of liberal democratic states. In his essay of Perpetual Peace, Kant stated that to attain peace, states must first be democratic. This is because the values embedded in liberal democratic framework actively support the promotion of peace. Various attributes and practices of democratic states also factor in the process of maintaining peace. Hence, in an era where democracy is the dominant system in the world, the frequency of major power war has diminished.

References

Bar-Siman-Tov, Y. (1984). The Strategy of War by Proxy. Cooperation and Conflict, 19(4), 263-273. doi:10.1177/001083678401900405

Chan, S. (1984). Mirror, Mirror on the Wall… Are the Freer Countries More Pacific? Journal of Conflict Resolution, 28(4), 617-648. doi:10.1177/0022002784028004003

Doyle, M. W. (1983). Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs. Philosophy & Public Affairs, 12(3), 205-235.  And   Doyle, M. W. (1983). Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs, Part 2 . Philosophy & Public Affairs, 12(4), 325-353

Dupuy, Gates, Nygard, Rudolfsen, Strand, & Urdal. (2016). Trends in Armed Conflict 1946-2015 (Rep.). Oslo: Peace Research Institute Oslo.

Farber, H. S., & Gowa, J. (1997). Common Interests or Common Polities? Reinterpreting the Democratic Peace. The Journal of Politics, 59(02), 393-417. doi:10.2307/2998170

Hegre, H. (2000). Development and the Liberal Peace: What Does it Take to be a Trading State? Journal of Peace Research, 37(1), 5-30. doi:10.1177/0022343300037001001

How Many Democratic Nations Are There? (2016, December 05). Retrieved June 03, 2017, from http://www.borgenmagazine.com/many-democratic-nations/

Lake, D. A. (1992). Powerful Pacifists: Democratic States and War. American Political Science Review, 86(01). doi:10.2307/1964013

Levy, J. S. (1988). Domestic Politics and War. Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 18(4), 653. doi:10.2307/204819

Levy, J. S., & Thompson, W. R. (2011). The Arc of War: Origins, Escalation, and Transformation. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press

Owen, J. M. (1994). How Liberalism Produces Democratic Peace. International Security, 19(2), 87-125. doi:10.2307/2539197

Pinker, S. (2012). The Long Peace. In The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined. NY, NY: Penguin Books

Prosperity Index 2016 (Rep.). (2017). London: Legatum Institute.

Russett, B. M. (2009). Democracy, War and Expansion through Historical Lenses. European Journal of International Relations, 15(1), 9-36. doi:10.1177/1354066108100051

Ray, J. L. (1998). Does Democracy Cause Peace? Annual Review of Political Science, 1(1), 27-46. doi:10.1146/annurev.polisci.1.1.27

Russett, B. M. (1993). Grasping the Democratic Peace: Principles for a Post-Cold War world. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Sarkees, Meredith Reid and Frank Wayman (2010). Resort to War: 1816 – 2007. Washington DC: CQ Press

Footnote

[1] Bar-Siman-Tov, Y. (1984). The Strategy of War by Proxy. Cooperation and Conflict, 19(4), 263-273. doi:10.1177/001083678401900405

2 Sarkees, Meredith Reid and Frank Wayman (2010). Resort to War: 1816 – 2007. Washington DC: CQ Press

3 Dupuy et al. (2016). Trends in Armed Conflict 1946-2015 (Rep.). Oslo: Peace Research Institute Oslo.

4 Levy, J. S., & Thompson, W. R. (2011). The Arc of War: Origins, Escalation, and Transformation. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press., p. 8

5 Russett, B. M. (1993). Grasping the Democratic Peace: Principles for a Post-Cold War world. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press., p. 4

6 Ibid

7 Prosperity Index 2016 (Rep.). (2017). London: Legatum Institute.

8 Levy, J. S., & Thompson, W. R. op. cit., p. 54-86

9 How Many Democratic Nations Are There? (2016, December 05). Retrieved June 03, 2017, from http://www.borgenmagazine.com/many-democratic-nations/

 

Cornelia Febriani Tjandra (2001589781)

International Relations Student – BINUS University

 

 

 

Women’s Role in the U.S. Politics

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Description

The author will begin with the on-growing percentage of women representation in House Representative and Senate throughout the year. Second, the author will examine the on-going number with the effectivity of their representation in the development of decision-making process of the American politics. Third, the author will give a further explanation on why giving women opportunity to contribute on the political sector does matter for the development of nation. In all these sections, the author will specifically focus on using liberal feminist perspective to explores the phenomenon, which will be supported by the argumentations of J. Ann Tickner from her book “Gender in International Relations” and also will explain why women posititon as well as the need to remove the gap between men and women does matter for decision-making and development of nation and try to give an explanation on how women role will make some changes in the system.

In conclusion, the author believe that an equal and equitable participation of women in public life and political institutions is crucially essential to building, constructing and sustaining strong, vibrant, responsive, inclusive and transparent democracies, and thus the participant of women local, national and international community should be achieved.

Introduction

Source: thehill.com

The current state of women’s role in the United States politics are emphasizes on-growing percentage of women representation in House Representative and Senate throughout the year. With the wake of feminism on the 21st century, debates over political representation in the global governance becomes pervasive, especially in the United States. Definitions of representative and role tend to focus on opportunities of participations in the political sector (A. Parry, 2005).  Since the 95th Congress (1977–1978), the number of women serving in Congress or both of House Representative and Senate has increased, though in a few occasion has been decreased. During the 95th Congress, the total number of women serving in Congress (106 in senate and 445 in the House Representative) is only 19 (0 in Senate and 19 in the House Representative) or approximately only 3% of the total representatives. The largest increase of the women representatives occurred during the 102nd Congress (1991–1992) the total number of women serving in Congress (105 in senate and 449 in the House Representative) rose from 32 (4 in senate and 28 in the House Representative) to 54 (7 in senate and 47 in the House Representative) in the 103rd Congress (1993–1994) with the total number of the United State Congress (104 in senate and 448 in the House Representative), an increase of 69%. This is occurred due to the large electoral of women in the 1992 election and thus, be known popularly as “the Year of the Women” (Cook, Thomas, & Wilcox, 1994).

As in 114th Congress (2015–2016), the total number of women serving in Congress (100 in senate and 447 in the House Representative) is increased to 108 (20 in Senate and 88 in House Representative) which make almost 20% of the total representatives in the United States Congress (Center for American Women and Politics, 2015), and in 115th Congress (2017–2018), the total number of women serving in Congress (105 in senate and 451 in the House Representative) is decreased to 107 (23 in Senate and 84 in House Representative).

With all these numbers being stated, the United States has not kept pace with the fact that 90 countries now are ahead of the United States in the percentage of women’s role in the national legislature (Lawless & Fox, 2012). Given the real gender gap in the political ambition, the United States is yet to conduct a form of reality which women and men are equally given the same opportunity to aspire their voices. Thus, the progress to increase women’s presence in the positions of political power should be made.

The author will analyze it through liberal feminist perspective which will be supported by the argumentations  of J. Ann Tickner from her book “Gender in International Relations” and seeks to answer the question of (1) “Why the gap between men and women still occurs?” and (2) “What’s the good in the women representation and how does it make a difference to the work?”.

The Condition of Women in the U.S. Politics based on Liberal Feminism

The reason why the gap between men and women in U.S. Congress still occurs and examine the consideration of women’s voice to be heard with implying the basic of liberal feminism and some of idea from J. Ann Tickner’s book “Gender in International Relations”. On her book, she delivered a feminist perspective to examine the condition of the global security, how it constructed and why women are excluded from foreign policy decision-making which she came up with some ideas: (1) Masculinity is pictured to be primarily requirement to have a power position in the government; (2) Gender in the realm of International Relations are too based on a set of cultural that had been rooted by binary distinctions such as public versus private, objective versus subjective, self versus other, reason versus emotion, autonomy versus relatedness and culture versus nature; (3) Generalization of men characteristic are related to strength, power, autonomy, independence and rationality; (4) Women characteristic are related to naive, weak, too emotional and unpatriotic human being.

Ann Tickner concluded that women are powerless and their voices are merely being heard in any circumstances as there were boundaries that keep women outside of the international politics and any related decision making stances. She also described the basic of liberal feminism where liberal feminist believes that boundaries that held women away from their right should be abolished(Tickner, 1992). Meanwhile the basic fundamental of liberal feminism claims that (1) Women and men have common humanity supersedes so they should have the same right of work opportunities (Lorber, 1997); (2) state should ensure that the basic structure of society distributes the benefits and burdens of social cooperation fairly, that is, in a manner that women as well as men could endorse(Alstott, 2004); (3) State has an important role to play in promoting equal conditions (Cudd, 2006).

The Gap Between Men and Women in The United States Congress

First, identified the United States Single-Member-District system (SMD) with a First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) under which the one candidate obtaining the most votes in one district elected (Staino, 2006). The rule appears to only advantage men because men have the number and strong majority geographic of representation in each district, as for women will do better in multi-member districts with proportional-representation (PR). According to liberal feminism, this is one of the example that men have more power in government system which have been rooted under the cultural system of political parties and general elections. It also shows that state government fails to promoting equals conditions under which men and women should have stand out as an equal and not based only by the number.

Secondly, Campaign Funding. Unlike countries like Australia, Canada, France, Germany and New Zealand, in the United States there’s no public funding for campaign assistance, means that candidates should pour their own money into political campaigns. The thing is, when money dominates politics, women will most likely abstain or either lose because women are having lower incomes than men for many reasons such as gender gap in pay, occupational segregation and disproportionate unpaid family care (Bowles, Babcock, & and Lai, 2005).

Moreover, women of color tend to have less access to work opportunities than white women and are generalized in low-wage (Higher Heights and CAWP, 2014), to conduct a more diverse set of elected officials, state must intervene to create a better job conditions under which all women of color get an equal salary with men so that women can have an ability to fund their own campaign. Liberal feminists believe that to create an equal condition, state must play the role to construct a structure or system that can distributes benefits fairly.

Third, there is stereotype of Gender Role. As Tickner explained on her book “Gender in International Relations” that men are characterized by masculinity with leadership and strong, meanwhile women are characterized by weakness and incapability to be political leaders. This stereotype is happening in the United States not only through society but also through the influence of media. Media continue to influence on how people see women as objects who are usually passive, young, thin, beautiful, dependent and often incompetent and dumb. Research studies based on identical political messages have shown that women candidates were connected to certain “female themes” such as social issues, and how men where considered more knowledgeable on “male issues” such as economic issues (Kahn, 1993).  Amy Alexander argued, a lack of women in high-powered positions may affect both men’s and women’s perceptions of women’s ability to rule (Alexander, 2012).

Fourth, Family Time Constraints. It happen that the distribution of family care responsibilities time continue to be uneven between men and women. Women spend more time than men in home to take care of kids and the home itself. Research studies demonstrated that women entitled to “motherhood penalty” relating not just to the time, medical care and effort of pregnancy and child birth but also across fields such as the persistent tendency of women to do larger share of childcare as the child grow (Hewlett, 2007).

It can be concluded and supported by some scholars that the boundaries for women to run in political field are still extremely occurs such as the gender role stereotyping, family time constraints and the boundaries of rotten political system itself.

Source: loyolaphoenix.com

Women’s Representation

Research shows that women’s work across party lines and more collaborative than men, women are more committed to peace building and post-conflict reconstruction, women are more advance on negotiating and last women tend to prioritize education, health and development related to the welfare of society.

Study research shows that women’s leaderships style can be applied to democratic ideals and that women tend to work  more collaborative way than male colleagues (Rosenthal, 2001). It shows that women are able to create good environment in the decision-making process, and thus women can work across party lines, even in highly partisan environments such as for example, 25% of women lawmakers in the United States cite women from the opposition party as key supporters of their gap legislation, while only 17% of male lawmakers name did similar approach (Center for the American Woman and Politics (CAWP) , 1991). It means that women can adjust their work and adjust to the environment without seeing people from their party background.

Moreover, according to Europe–Asia studies regarding the women’s role, has indicate that in Russian Federation, female legislators were able to set aside party and ideological differences and disputes to promote legislation of which benefiting children and families on a multi-partisan basis. They proposed policy that will increase benefits to citizens with children, reduced taxes for families with many children, extended pregnancy benefits and parental leave, created penalties for domestic violence and promoted equal rights for men and women (Shevchenko, 2012).

Secondly, study research shows that women are committed more deeply to securing peace and preventing conflict from happening. Study also shows that women are more likely than men to bring negotiations into the table. Moreover, research shows that women’s engangement in the post-conflict process can “increase the legitimacy of nascent institutions, decrease government corruption, broaden the political agenda, promote consultative, policymaking and encourage collaboration across ideological lines and social sectors” (The Institute for Inclusive Security, 2009). It means that women can put their work to create a better system  in government with their approach on the negotiation and post-conflict process and, thus preventing conflict, issues or war from happening with peaceful manner that most of times, men are lacks of. Furthermore, there is evidence from International Center for Research on Women that establishing sustainable peace requires a tranformation of relationship, including achievement of gender equality or more equitable gender relations (Strickland & Duvvury, 2003)

Lastly, study research shows that when women sit as politcial head leaders, they tend to prioritizing public health, education and infrastructure related to make countries have a higher standard of living and better development of social welfare. Women tend to be more focusing on delivering the democracy within the nation. According to Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) research, 14% of women legislators in the United States named healthcare as a top priority issue and in the other hand, there’s only 6% of male legislators who viewed healthcare as a top concern (Center for American Women and Politics, 1991). In addition, in places as diverse as Morocco, Croatia, Rwanda and South Africa, an increase number of female lawmakers bring their countries to be more concerning about; anti discrimination, family codes, domestic violence, inheritance and child support and protection.

The Role of Women is Undeniably

Women’s political participation can give nations a series of democracy chains including greater responsiveness to community and social needs, increased cooperation among different party or political background, more development of gender equality and more sustainable peace, Then to help government in political field to develop more and construct a better decision-making process. And as Liberal Feminist claims, such equal conditions can only be achieved by state involvement to create a better and fair policy to maintain the same right of work opportunities and abolished the inequality, at all cost. The need of change in society should be developed too by abolishing the stereotype that has underrating women’s role and involvement with the argument of Kofi Annan said that:

“Study after study has taught us, there is no tool for development more effective than the empowerment of women. No other policy is as likely to raise economic productivity or to reduce child and maternal mortality. No other policy is as sure to improve nutrition and promote health, including the prevention of HIV/AIDS. No other policy is as powerful in increasing the chances of education for the next generation.” (Moccia, 2007).

References

Parry, J. (2005). Women’s policy agencies, the women’s movement and representation in the USA. In J. Lovenduski, C. Baudino, M. Guadagnini, P. Meier, & D. Sainsbury, State Feminism and Political Representation (pp. 239-259). New York, United States: Cambridge University Press.

Alexander, A. C. (2012). Change in Women’s Descriptive Representation and the Belief in Women’s Ability to Govern: A Virtuous Cycle. Politics & Gender Journal, 8, 437-464.

Alstott, L. (2004). No Exit: What Parents Owe Their Children and What Society Owes Parents. New York, New York, United States: Oxford University Press.

Bowles, H. R., Babcock, L., & and Lai, L. (2005). Social incentives for gender differences in the propensity to initiate negotiations: Sometimes it does hurt to ask. In H. R. Bowles, L. Babcock, & L. and Lai, Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processe.

Center for American Women and Politics. (1991). The Impact of Women in Public Office: Findings at a Glance. New Jersey: The State University of New Jersey.

Center for American Women and Politics. (2015). Women in the U.S. Congress 2015. Rutgers University, Eagleton Institute of Politics. New Brunswick: Center for American Women and Politics.

Center for the American Woman and Politics (CAWP) . (1991). Reshaping the Agebda: Women in State Legislatures. New Jersey: The State Univeristy of New Jersey.

Chinkin, C. (2003). Peace Agreements as a Means for Promoting Gender Equality and Ensuring the Participation of Women. Women Watch.

Cook, E. A., Thomas, S., & Wilcox, C. (1994). The Year of the Woman: Myths and Realities. Boulder, Colorado, United States: Westview Press.

Cudd, A. (2006). Analysing Oppression. New York, New York, United States: Oxford University Press.

Gender (NCRW), CAWP, and Center for Responsive Politic. (2014). Money in Politics with a Gender Lens.

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Strickland, R., & Duvvury, N. (2003). Gender Equity and Peacebuilding: From Rhetoric to Reality: Finding the Way.

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Dio Dicky Fradana (2001606144)

International Relations Student – BINUS University

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

IR BINUS Lecturer in Australia Awards’ PhD Extension Program

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Luh Nyoman Ratih Wagiswari Kabinawa, Faculty Member of International Relations Department BINUS, attended the two-weeks intensive PhD extension program organized by the Australia Awards Indonesia from 22 October to 2 November 2018. This program is part of compulsory pre-departure training for Australia Awards Scholars who wish to pursue PhD degree in the Australian University by 2019. This course aims at understanding the life as PhD student in Australia. Major topics include preparing research proposal, getting to know the graduate research school in the university, meeting preparation with the supervisor, and managing work life balance as a PhD student. There are 21 Australia Awards Scholars who participated in the first batch of the training. They are coming from various disciplines both from public and private institutions. The instructors were Professor Frans Umbu Data from Nusa Cendana University, Kupang and John Martin, an Emeritus Professor from La Trobe University, Australia.

During the program, Ratih learned to develop her research proposal from a rough draft into a narrow and specific topic of her interest. She develops critical thinking and academic writing as one of survival kits as PhD student. At the end of the program, the participants were asked to present their research proposal in a MOCK Confirmation Presentation. Ratih delivered her MOCK Confirmation Presentation confidently and received excellent results as feedbacks from the instructors. Ratih wishes to go to Australia in June 2019 to start her PhD program. The International Relations Department wish her to have pleasant time and experience during her study and good luck!

Selamat Hari Maulid Nabi 2018


BINUS IR Lecturer in Erasmus+ International Credit Mobility Programme

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Early in November, our Deputy Head, Ratu Ayu Asih Kusuma Putri, attended Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Barcelona, Spain as part of the teaching staff mobility program funded by Erasmus+ International Credit Mobility Programme and the Alliance of 4 Universities (A4U). A4U has been awarded funds to enable staff from partner universities in Russia, South Africa, India, Indonesia, Iran, and Malaysia to undertake mobility stay in one of the A4U universities. She was selected amongst hundreds of applicants as one of the awardees for the program and became part of Erasmus alumni.

In UPF – Barcelona, she gave lectures for two courses: Introduction to International Relations and Contemporary International Relations in which each session consists of 2 classes attended by approximately 80 students. In total, she taught four classes for 8 hours from 5-9 November 2018. Through the program, she was able to obtain professional development opportunities as a lecturer and improve her teaching skills. Teaching in an international and multi-cultural setting has given her a rewarding chance to sharpen not only her teaching skills but also to share her academic interests with broader audiences. Besides, the program enabled her to deepen a lasting link between Bina Nusantara University and Universitas of Pompeu Fabra (UPF) and promote mutual academic enrichment.

Dosen HI BINUS Berpatisipasi dalam Konvensi Nasional AIHII IX

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Beberapa dosen Hubungan Internasional kembali berpartisipasi dalam Konvensi Nasional (Vennas) Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia (AIHII) yang ke-IX di Universitas Maritim Raja Ali Haji pada tanggal 22-25 Oktober 2018 di Tanjung Pinang. Adapun yang menjadi agenda dari Vennas AIHII yang ke-IX ini antara lain Sidang Organisasi, Pertemuan Akademik, dan Forum Komunitas Bidang Ilmu
Seminar Nasional dengan tema “Peluang danTantangan Pembangunan Kedaulatan Maritim Indonesia.” Rangkaian acara kemudian ditutup dengan wisata bersama ke Pulau Penyengat.

 

Invitation to the 48th IRLS

Pengabdian Masyarakat Dosen HI BINUS untuk UMKM

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Pada tanggal 26 November 2018, beberapa dosen Jurusan Hubungan Internasional melaksanakan kegiatan Pengabdian Pada Masyarakat (P2M) dengan topik utama Usaha Mikro, Kecil dan Menengah (UMKM) di Era Persaingan Pasar Bebas ASEAN. Peserta kegiatan adalah pengusaha-pengusaha UMKM di sekitar lingkungan Universitas Bina Nusantara di Kemanggisan. Beberapa peserta sudah pula terlibat dalam kegiatan pelatihan maupun sosialisasi yang dilaksanakan dalam kerangka P2M Binus.

Kegiatan ini dihadiri oleh sekitar 20 orang peserta yang memiliki usaha yang beraneka ragam, mulai dari kuliner, agrikultur, hingga pariwisata. Kegiatan ini diharapkan menjadi tidak hanya sebagai wadah knowledge sharing, tetapi agar para pengusaha UMKM terutama yang berasal dari masyarakat sekitar BINUS untuk siap untuk menghadapi tantangan ekonomi regional dan global. Di samping itu, kegiatan ini diharapkan mampu menginspirasi para peserta untuk mau dan mampu untuk bersaing di pasar bebas ASEAN.

Sesi pertama diawali oleh Dennyza Gabiella dengan topik Pemahaman terhadap Kondisi Perekonomian Global dan ASEAN yang kemudian dilanjutkan oleh Luh Nyoman Ratih Wagiswari dengan topik terkait Pemahaman Masyarakat Ekonomi ASEAN. Peserta terlihat sangat antusias dan terlibat dalam diskusi mengenai konteks perekonomian global dan regional kontemporer dengan merefleksikan pada bidang usaha maupun bisnis yang dijalankan masing-masing peserta. Isu terkait nilai mata uang, peluang ekspor impor, persaingan dengan negara-negara tetangga di Kawasan menjadi hal yang paling banyak mendapat perhatian peserta kegiatan.

Sesi selanjutnya membahas topik-topik yang lebih spesifik dan disasarkan pada hal-hal yang terkait UMKM yang dimulai dengan topik berjudul UMKM Go ASEAN: Tantangan dan Hambatan oleh Aditya Permana; UMKM Go Online dan Potensi Penguasaan Pasar Bebas ASEAN oleh Galuh Dian Prama Dewi; dan diakhiri dengan sesi yang membahas tentang UMKM dan Kebijakan Pasar Bebas Indonesia di ASEAN oleh Rangga Aditya. Dengan mengambil contoh-contoh kasus dari usaha-usaha UMKM yang ada dan sukses di pasaran, sesi-sesi ini berlangsung dengan interaktif dan materi yang dibawakan direspon secara antusias oleh peserta kegiatan. Beberapa mengaku mendapat pengetahuan baru dari sesi-sesi yang diadakan dan mampu merefleksikan peluang dan tantangan pada usaha bisnis masing-masing. Tidak hanya itu, beberapa peserta pun membagikan pengalamannya kepada peserta-peserta lain yang kemudian memunculkan diskusi yang menarik dan interaktif.

 

Kepemimpinan Strategis Sektor Hankam di Indonesia

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Kuliah Tamu Brigjen TNI (Purn.) Makmur Supriyatno

Dalam rangka mempersiapkan para mahasiswa/i sebagai generasi penerus kepemimpinan strategis bangsa di masa depan, Departemen Hubungan Internasional Universitas Bina Nusantara (BINUS) mengajarkan mata kuliah Kepemimpinan Strategis. Sebagai pengaya studi kasus, Departemen HI mengadakan kuliah tamu pada Rabu, 28 November 2018, pukul 13.20-15.00 di Kampus Anggrek BINUS dengan tema “Kepemimpinan Strategis Sektor Pertahanan dan Keamanan di Indonesia”, mengundang pembicara Brigadir Jenderal TNI (Purn.) Makmur Supriyatno, purnawirawan TNI Angkatan Darat yang kini menjabat dosen ahli Universitas Pertahanan.

Purnawirawan yang akrab dipanggil Bapak Nano ini mengawali dinas militer pada 1979 dan pensiun pada 2013. Ia telah mengenyam berbagai pendidikan militer dan pengalaman tugas, baik di dalam maupun luar negeri, serta memperoleh berbagai tanda jasa dan medali penghargaan selama dinasnya tersebut. Pengalaman tugasnya terlama adalah di Direktorat Topografi Angkatan Darat (Dittopad) pada 1980-2006, di mana ia juga acap kali ditugaskan dalam proyek batas internasional antara Indonesia dan Malaysia. Ia juga pernah menjadi Kepala Misi Pemeliharaan Perdamaian pada 2006-2010 dan Kasubdit Hubungan Internasional Direktorat Kerja Sama Internasional Kementerian Pertahanan (Ditkersin Kemhan) pada 2010. Teranyar, ia berdinas di Universitas Pertahanan, di mana ia menjadi Direktur Kerja Sama Antarlembaga pada 2010 dan Direktur Akademik dan Kemahasiswaan pada 2013. Ia juga banyak menerbitkan karya tulis tentang ilmu pertahanan dan perang; bukunya yang terakhir berjudul Etika Perang Yang Sah (Just War Theory) pada Perang Konvensional, diterbitkan pada 2016.

Bapak Nano mengawali kuliah tamu dengan menjelaskan tiga tingkatan kepemimpinan pada sektor pertahanan dan keamanan, yaitu taktis (kepemimpinan tingkat kelompok atau organisasi kecil), operasional (kepemimpinan tingkat implementasi kebijakan), dan strategis (kepemimpinan tingkat pembuatan keputusan dan kebijakan strategis). Ia kemudian menjelaskan “strategi” dan “strategis” dengan mengaitkannya dengan perang sebagai kelanjutan politik, kemudian mengutip teoretisi strategi seperti B.H. Liddell Hart dan Bernard Brodie. Strategi didefinisikan sebagai “rencana”, yang meliputi tujuan yang ingin dicapai (ends), cara atau metode (ways), dan alat atau sarana (means); dan dalam ilmu militer merupakan ilmu para jenderal untuk memenangkan perang. Sesuatu bersifat strategis jika luas permasalahan dan cakupannya, besar kuantitasnya, serta penting untuk dipertahankan. Oleh karena itu, kepemimpinan strategis memerlukan pemikiran yang sangat hati-hati; kewaspadaan terhadap sistem yang telah ada; pandangan luas terhadap misi yang diemban dalam suatu organisasi atau satuan; pandangan yang luas; serta fokus pada hasil, bukan pada proses, metode, maupun tujuan.

Kemudian, Bapak Nano menjelaskan lingkungan strategis dari pemikiran strategis, yang terdiri atas empat komponen yang selalu berkaitan secara jelas, yaitu keamanan nasional, lingkungan domestik atau nasional, lingkungan internasional, dan lingkungan militer. Di Indonesia, lingkungan strategis nasional didefinisikan sebagai ideologi, politik, ekonomi, sosial-budaya, pertahanan, dan keamanan; kemudian lingkungan internasional dibagi menjadi lingkungan regional dan global. Pemimpin strategis harus mengenali dan memahami komponen lingkungan keamanan nasional, dengan tujuan akhir merumuskan strategi keamanan nasional. Instrumen-instrumen kekuatan nasional antara lain kekuatan politik, ekonomi, dan militer. Instrumen-instrumen ini menyediakan sarana pengaruh, antara lain persuasi politik, otot ekonomi, dan kekuatan militer. Di antara semua instrumen tersebut, pemimpin strategis harus memahami kekuatan militer karena memiliki potensi besar untuk melakukan perubahan secara permanen dalam lingkungan strategis, serta karena pengalaman militer di antara pemimpin sipil telah menyusut. Oleh karena itu, pemimpin strategis harus memahami strategi militer.

Bapak Nano kemudian menjelaskan cara mengembangkan kepemimpinan strategis. Salah satunya adalah dengan persiapan khusus di beberapa daerah penugasan atau tour of duty dan tour of area. Pertama, mengerti bagaimana pemimpin berkembang berdasarkan anatomi kepemimpinan strategis. Kedua, mengenali beberapa kompetensi pemimpin strategis yang harus dimiliki. Terakhir, menilai kemampuan dan berkomitmen pada rencana pengembangan diri. Anatomi kepemimpinan strategis berkaitan dengan beberapa aspek penting, yang dianalogikan menyerupai bangunan piramida. Piramida kepemimpinan strategis didasari oleh nilai-nilai, etika, moral, dan standar. Di atasnya, terdapat pengalaman, keterampilan dasar, dan pengetahuan. Di atasnya lagi, terdapat komando, tanggung jawab, dan kewenangan. Di atasnya lagi, terdapat keterampilan berpikir strategis. Di atasnya lagi, terdapat kompetensi strategis. Terakhir, terdapat pembuatan keputusan strategis di puncaknya. Terakhir, Bapak Nano menjelaskan kompetensi kepemimpinan strategis, yaitu visi sebagai panduan fokus pemimpin strategis untuk mencapai sesuatu di masa mendatang, kemampuan sebagai agen transformasional, kemampuan mengantisipasi perubahan, kemampuan memimpin dalam perubahan, kemampuan menumbuhkan pola pikir perubahan untuk membuat keputusan yang logis, dan seterusnya.

 

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